Whilst fieldwork data indicates that ‘place’ is particularly endowed with ethnogenetic power, language is perhaps a more salient characteristic of identity, and this study suggests that language-based identities are regularly assigned according to the habitual language of the speaker. Thus, habitual Valencian speakers are described as ‘Valencians’ and habitual Castilian speakers are labelled as
‘Castilians’. Woolard (1989) describes similar language-determined identities in Catalonia, where people whose native and habitual language is Catalan are described
in vernacular discourse as Catalans. Likewise, those whose native and habitual language is Castilian are Castilians, regardless of their region of origin (Woolard, 1989: 43). In a later work, Woolard (2008a: 191) explains how her fieldwork respondents in Barcelona regularly transformed her questions about Castilian speakers (castellanoparlants) and Catalan speakers (catalanoparlants) into discussions about Castilians (castellans) and Catalans (catalans). The reference to language-determined identities in vernacular discourse indicates that language and identity are not easily separated. Additionally, as has already been discussed, the perceived linguistic identity of an interlocutor influences language choices amongst bilingual speakers. If interlocutors are recognised as Valencians, then Valencian is used, if this information is not known then Castilian is employed. Therefore, whilst language is not the only component of identity, it is perhaps the most obvious, and consequently, habitual language practices are commented upon regularly and employed in othering processes. When considering language-based identities in the Catalan context, it should also be noted that in Catalonia, the pejorative term xarnego (in Catalan) or charnego (in Castilian) may also be used to describe non-Catalan speaking residents (see Candel, 1964; 1973 for a definition of the term and its evolution). Xarnego is a derogatory term and makes particular reference to non-Catalan speaking migrants with a working-class background (Woolard, 1989: 42). In contrast, the Castilian identity, although a language-determined identity, does not carry connotations of ethnicity or social class.
Habitual Valencian speakers, who may be described as Valencians, also have access to Castilian (Casesnoves Ferrer & Sankoff, 2004: 4), and therefore, they are in a position to choose between their languages and perform identities through both languages (Blommaert, 2005: 210). As previously discussed, the linguistic background of the interlocutor is an influential factor in choosing language practices amongst those with access to Castilian and Valencian. As such, the reduction of identity to a single category of language does not necessarily explain language decisions or how languages may be used to enact various identities. However, the existence of such language-based identities does reveal the symbolic significance of language in identity construction. Respondent C9 (female, forties, teacher) is a habitual
Valencian speaker, who lives in Banyeres de Mariola, the town where she was born, and she commutes each day to Sant Vicent del Raspeig for work. A discussion about language practices revealed how respondent C9 assigns identity according to the habitual language of an individual.
‘La meua metgessa [anterior] era valenciana i parlàvem en valencià. Ara ha canviat i és castellana i ara parlarem en castellà segurament.’
(My [previous] doctor was Valencian and we spoke in Valencian. Now the doctor has changed and she is Castilian and now we will probably speak in Castilian.)
Similarly, respondent D16 (female, fifties, cleaner), who is also a habitual Valencian speaker, explained how she has neighbours who are ‘Castilian’ and others who are
‘Valencian’, and that she modifies her language practices accordingly.
‘Hi ha valencians i castellans. Als valencians els parle en valencià i als castellans parle en castellà.’
(There are Valencians and Castilians. I speak to the Valencians in Valencian and I speak to the Castilians in Castilian.)
These comments indicate that identities may be attributed solely on the habitual language practices of an individual, suggesting that language may be interpreted as a principal feature of identity. Indeed, Tabouret-Keller notes ‘the link between language and identity is often so strong that a single feature of language use suffices to identify someone’s membership in a given group’ (1997: 317). Equally, bilingual speakers, such as respondents C9 and D16, are able to draw upon their linguistic repertoire to adapt their language practices according to their interlocutor. In this way, they can perform Valencian and Castilian identities through their language use.
The assigning of language-determined identities was also observed amongst habitual Castilian speakers, suggesting that out-group perceptions can be just as influential, or perhaps more influential, than in-group perceptions. Respondent C22 (female, 18-20, sixth form student) is from Sant Vicent del Raspeig and her habitual
language is Castilian, the language she grew up speaking. However, she also has access to Valencian in her linguistic repertoire as she is obliged to study it at school for the bachillerato qualification. Her comments also demonstrate the assigning of identity according to the habitual language of an individual and indicate that an individual’s habitual language is perceived as a key component of identity.
‘Tengo amigos valencianos, y sí, de vez en cuando lo uso.’
(I have Valencian friends, and yes, sometimes I use it [Valencian].)
The existence of such language-determined identities suggests that language is employed as a boundary-making device and that Castilians and Valencians are viewed as separate identity groups due to their different habitual language practices.
However, whilst language was regularly referenced in discussions of identity, the reduction of identity to the single category of language does not encapsulate fully the complexity of Valencian identities. Although fieldwork data revealed that language is an important component of identity, Valencian identity is more elaborate than being simply language orientated. This is illustrated in Figures 26 and 27 when respondents were asked whether it is necessary to speak Valencian to be Valencian.
Responses suggest that whilst the Valencian language is perceived as an important component of identity, it is not considered essential to speak it to belong to the Valencian identity, nor is the language the sole component of Valencian identity. This view was particularly prominent amongst those who answered the questionnaire in Castilian. Respondent C15 (male, 18-20, sixth form student) is a habitual Castilian speaker and he disagreed with the statement that it is necessary to speak Valencian to be Valencian.
‘Yo me siento valenciano. No hablo valenciano asiduamente y me considero valenciano.’
(I feel Valencian. I don’t speak Valencian regularly and I feel Valencian.)
Respondent C10 (female, forties, teacher) who is a habitual Valencian speaker gave her thoughts and suggested that different people have different views on the subject
of language of identity. Whilst she answered that it is necessary to speak Valencian to be Valencian, she acknowledged that not everyone shares this view.
‘Jo sé que hi ha molta gent que diu que és valenciana i no parla la llengua. És una qüestió més personal. A nivell meu, jo em considera Valenciana i parle valencià.’
(I know that there lots of people who say that they are Valencian and don’t speak the language. It is more of a personal question. Personally, I consider myself Valencian and I speak Valencian.)
Figure 26: ‘Is it necessary to speak Valencian to be Valencian?’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Valencian
Completely agree, 4
Agree, 7
Indifferent, 3 Disagree, 11
Completely disagree, 3
Completely agree Agree
Indifferent Disagree
Completely disagree
Figure 27: ‘Is it necessary to speak Valencian to be Valencian?’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Castilian
Despite the legal definition of Valencian identity offering a civic model of identity and belonging, vernacular discourse continues to place importance on language in the construction of Valencian identity, as show in Figures 28 and 29.
However, this study suggests that language is not the only component of identity and respondent C2 (male, thirties, teacher) commented that Valencian identity comprises more than just language.
‘Ser valencià és una actitud, no és una condició lingüística.’
(Being Valencian is an attitude, not a linguistic condition.)
Moreover, the increased accessibility of Valencian and the changing profile of the Valencian speaker are also adding to the complexity of the Valencian identity.
Therefore, positioning language as the sole component of identity is limiting because it does not take into account other characteristics, such as the perceived importance of ‘place’, that are also influential in the construction and perception of Valencian identity.
Completely agree, 1
Agree, 2
Indifferent, 3
Disagree, 15 Completely disagree, 1
Completely agree Agree
Indifferent Disagree
Completely disagree
Figure 28: ‘Valencian is an important part of our identity’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Valencian
Figure 29: ‘Valencian is an important part of our identity’ according to respondents in Sant Vicent del Raspeig and La Vila Joiosa who answered the questionnaire in Castilian
Completely agree, 24 Agree, 7
Completely agree Agree
Indifferent Disagree
Completely disagree
Completely agree, 4
Agree, 7 Indifferent, 8
Disagree, 3
Completely agree Agree
Indifferent Disagree
Completely disagree