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3.4 The African Perspective on China in Africa

While the Anglophone and Chinese literature are representative of a binary regarding the depiction of China’s African policies, the African literature covering these policies can be seen as the middle ground in this competition over the construction of the meaning of Chinese foreign policy. This can initially be seen in how some aspects of it have been somewhat welcoming of Chinese initiatives but have equally been critical of the more controversial dimensions of these policies. In addition, while this perspective utilises constructs from both the Anglophone and Chinese perspectives, it has also been critical of these images and has illustrated the similarities between Chinese policy and those followed by the more established Western actors in the African states. One of these criticisms comes in the issue of the agency of the African states, with the established perspectives seemingly depriving African nations of this, which creates a more coercive image of China’s African policies, an image that the African perspectives have been critical of.

The African perspectives on Chinese engagement with the African states is outlined by Barry Sautman and Yan Hairong (2009, pg. 729), who claim that these perspectives are less negative towards these policies than the critical perspective has been. They (Sautman and Hairong, 2009, pg. 732) assert that sub-Saharan African states perceive China as a partner, a view that is reinforced by the apparent overlap between the interests of China and the African states. This assertion invokes the construct of mutuality which has been a prominent theme in the Chinese literature on this subject. Yan and Sautman (2009, pg. 746) also outline the advantages of China’s approach by claiming that such projects are still viewed as being largely positive even in states that have been held up as examples of the darker side of Chinese policies in Africa by the Western media. It is this reference to the Western media that indicates the more discursive elements of China’s African policies, reinforced by their assertion that the view of Africa as a ‘disaster zone’ is the hegemonic image of the continent despite its many flaws (Yan and Sautman, 2009, pg. 747). It is this hegemony and the advantages of China’s normative foreign policy that raises the research issue since it is necessary to examine how China was able to make its gains in the African continent through these normative mechanisms.

In their examination of the African perspectives regarding China’s African policies, Yan and Sautman raise the implications of the hegemonic image of Africa in the popular discourse. It is this image of Africa that can be seen as the latest incarnation of what Said termed the

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‘Heart of Darkness’ motif. While this image has been dominant, it is flawed, which means that an approach based on this understanding will be flawed as well. This notion can also be applied to the images of China’s African policies which have been based on an equally simplistic image of these policies, which means that a hegemonic discourse does not necessarily translate into an effective response to China’s African policies. It is this issue that raises both a gap in the literature and a further imperative to pursue the research issue to explore how China’s vision for the African states has been able to build support for Chinese initiatives in the continent.

The constructs present in the more critical literature regarding China’s African policies are alluded to by Teke Ngomba (2011, pg. 57), who cites China’s provision of radio jamming equipment to Zimbabwe during the demonstrations against ZANU-PF’s rule. This is in keeping with the image of China as a facilitator of authoritarian regimes in the African continent although the question of whether this is part of a wider promotion of authoritarian norms is not addressed here. Ngomba (2011, pg. 59) also raises two of the constructs that have been present in the Chinese literature by referring to China’s attempts to win the hearts and minds of African nations as well as the example that China provides to the African media. These can be interpreted as an allusion to the constructs of cultural soft power and China as a role model respectively with the former serving as how China has attempted to build support for its African policies and the latter being a means to further legitimise these policies. While Ngomba identifies the more normative dimensions of China’s African policies, he largely overlooks the central role they have played in furthering Chinese objectives as well as how they are representative of China’s wider challenge.

Another example of the African perspective on China’s African policies can be seen in Kwesi Anning (2010, pg. 145), who describes these policies as ‘influence without interference’. This echoes the common depiction of these policies as being non-interventionist in nature, which has been frequently criticised by the Western perspective, although Anning is not as critical of these policies. Instead, Anning (2010, pg. 147) depicts these policies as being characterised by cooperation, which is reminiscent of the construct of China’s African policies as being mutually beneficial, which has been a prominent construct in the Chinese perspective of China’s African policies. Anning (2010, pg. 152) also raises the research issue in claiming that China has been active in states that Western nations have largely been absent from, which furthers the idea that the end of the Cold War left a vacuum in Africa that China was able to fill as well as the perception that China is willing to take greater risks by conducting business in states deemed too unstable for other actors. It is the role that these have played in furthering

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Chinese objectives alongside the more normative dimensions of these policies that the research sought to explore.

The constructs present in the Chinese literature are raised by Fantu Cheru and Cyril Obi (2011, pg. 72), who claim that the Washington Consensus has largely been rejected in the African states. Such a claim is reminiscent of the construct of China as a role model, which is also referenced by their assertion that China’s experiences of development can act as a guide for African development. They also raise the concerns regarding Chinese neo-imperialism in Africa, although Cheru and Obi (2011, pg. 75) claim that such an approach will be through consent rather than coercion. This depiction raises the issue regarding the agency of African states, which has been a prevalent theme in the African perspectives on China in Africa. Another common element is in Cheru and Obi’s (2011, pg. 74) assertion that the majority of the criticisms of China’s African policies can also be applied to the policies of other external actors present in the African states. It is these sentiments that reflect how the African perspective has been critical of both the Western and Chinese images of China in Africa.

The constructs present in the more critical literature are raised by Dot Keet (2008, pg. 80), who claims that China’s African policies are largely concerned with the exploitation of African resources, which echoes the construct of China as an exploitive power. Keet (2008, pg. 81) also alludes to the common image of Chinese initiatives as ‘debt traps’ in claiming that Chinese loans serve to further African nations into Beijing’s debt, which is reminiscent of Chinese projects as an exercise in neo-imperialism. It is this motif that raises the issue of African agency, with these initiatives being furthered by the consent from the African elites rather than through coercion. This indicates how the constructs present in the literature have been subjected to greater criticism in the African perspective since these overlook the role of African agency. These constructs are also criticised by Keet (2010, pg. 21) in her assertion that the accusation of China being a neo-colonial power is somewhat hypocritical, which further underlines the flaws in the established images of China’s African policies.

The idea of the African literature as the middle ground between the Western and Chinese literature is raised by Dambisa Moyo (2012, pg. 5), who claims that while Chinese policies can be perceived as neo-imperialist, it is less territorial than that of the European empires of the 19th century. The differences between the two are further emphasised when she (Moyo, 2012, pg. 156) asserts that Chinese foreign policy differs from those of the Western powers since it is less reliant on military force and does not have the missionary tendencies of these nations. Such a claim echoes Huntington’s (1996, pg. 70) depiction of Western civilisation as a

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‘missionary civilisation’ in The Clash of Civilisations, although this overlooks how China has promoted its own vision and norms through its soft power initiatives. This raises the research issue in how the Chinese constructs have been spread to a greater context through these initiatives. In addition, Moyo (2012, pg. 85) raises the construct of mutuality in claiming that China’s ties with the African states is based on mutual benefit, which has been one of the core components of the Chinese image of China’s African policies. It is this aspect that is illustrative of the spread of the Chinese constructs to a wider context.

Constructs from both the Western and Chinese literature on China’s African policies are also raised by Lloyd Sachikonye’s (2008, pg. 124) depiction of China’s long-standing relationship with Zimbabwe. Sachikonye (2008, pg. 125) identifies part of the methodology behind Chinese foreign policy, by citing the role of the close ties between China and the elites of African nations in furthering Chinese influence in the continent, which invokes the construct of mutuality. This claim also goes against the established images of China’s African policies which have often presented these ties as little more than China bribing the African elites to further its economic objectives. It is this issue that further raises the necessity to explore the research problem to examine how China was able to make its gains in the African states. Sachikonye (2008, pg. 127) also cites the potential for China to be a role model for the development of the African states and the issue of China as a facilitator of authoritarian norms by claiming that the economic success of China’s system has an appeal to an economically stagnant Zimbabwe. While this shows how the African perspective utilises constructs from both the Western and Chinese images of China in Africa, it also raises the issue of China’s wider challenge through the Chinese economic model, which is not fully explored here.

The means by which China made its gains in the African states is illustrated by Ndubisi Obiorah (2007, pg. 39), who attributes this to the perceived lack of conditions on Chinese aid. This is in line with the common image of these policies as being of shared benefits, which has been frequently expressed throughout the Chinese literature in the construct of mutuality. Obiorah (2007, pg. 51) also raises another of the constructs present in the Western literature in his depiction of the threats to Chinese interests in the Niger Delta, which is in line with the common criticism of China’s non-interventionist approach to the African states. This further illustrates how the African perspective has utilised constructs from both the Western and Chinese literature, which reinforces this perspective’s role as the middle ground between the two. In addition, Obiorah (2007, pg. 36) also raises the research issue in his allusion to the support for Chinese initiatives from the African states, although he does not fully explore how

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China was able to build support for its projects in these states beyond lacking the contentious legacy that has hampered similar initiatives from the Western nations present in Africa.

China’s gains in the African states are also depicted by John Blessing Karumbidza (2007, pg.87), who claims that China saw these nations as opportunities as opposed to the more hegemonic image that has depicted the African states as being riven by conflict and disaster. It is this image that is initially suggestive of how China has been able to make inroads into the African nations although this issue is not fully examined here. Karumbidza (2007, pg. 88) asserts that China’s laissez faire approach cannot last, which also echoes the criticisms of Chinese policy throughout the Western literature on this subject. On the other hand, he (Karumbidza, 2007, pg. 92) raises the construct of China as a role model and as a facilitator of authoritarian norms by claiming that China provides an example for the African states to follow, which is an image that the Chinese literature has promoted. The methodology of Chinese initiatives depicted in the form of Chinese classes in the African states, which he (Karumbidza, 2007, pg. 100) claims have steadily risen throughout the continent. While this is reminiscent of the construct of cultural soft power, it also raises the research issue regarding the nature of power in Chinese foreign policy, which Karumbidza largely overlooks.

In all, the African perspective regarding China’s African policies consists of constructs and themes that have been present in both the Western and Chinese literature on this subject. The form that these constructs have taken has differed from the previous two sections of the literature and have been subjected to greater criticism, with neither the Western nor the Chinese image being fully supported. This perspective has also been unified by its depiction of the role of African agency, which has largely been absent in the established literature, which has depicted these nations as being more passive in the face of Chinese initiatives. By serving as the middle ground between the Western and Chinese perspectives, the African viewpoint is suggestive of the potential audience for the constructs as China seeks to alter the meanings that the African nations attribute to China to one that is more favourable to Chinese objectives, which has been one of the recurring elements of the research issue.

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