Crecimiento y adaptación de B licheniformis en el medio MM

Ethnic concepts have been used ambiguously in the following ways (1) in instances where ethnic identity is attributed to members of ethnic groups which are in fact ethnic aggregates, categories or

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populations; (2) in cases where ethnicity is used to describe

members of ethnic groups or categories with, what I shall refer to, as ethnic awareness; and (3) situations in which ethnicity is used to define members of ethnic groups or categories who manifest, what I term, ethnic consciousness.

Ethnic Category As An Ethnic Group

When an ethnic category is defined as an ethnic group in the literature, it refers to an aggregate of people who can be classified into specific ’’groups" because they possess "objective" characteristics such as religion, race, national origin, or some combination of these (e.g., Gordon's second definition above). Greeley (197^: 3^-35i see also p.

91

), for example, posits a tentative definition of an ethnic group as "a collectivity based on presumed common origin (like) race, religion, nationality and language". Greeley justifies these

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"arbitrary divisions" because they allow for "a sufficient number of respondents to provide information about the group, and on the intuitive impression that such a particular group did correspond to some reality in the American population" (emphasis added). Such "common origin" extends to categories composed of several "ethnic groups" (Spanish-speaking includes Mexicans, Puerto Ricans, Cubans and other Latin Americans, as well as those respondents whose families came directly from Spain) and a number of "religio-ethnic groups"

(e.g., "British Protestants"). 'Whatever these socio-demographic permutations used by Greeley and others (also see Abramson 1975;

Kellstedt 197^; Laumann 1973) represent, they most certainly are not ethnic groups. The assumption that a number of individuals possessing a similar socio-demographic characteristic(s ) automatically constitutes a social group is untenable. As Francis (1976: 370) points out:

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it has never been shown convincingly that a particular language, a sectarian religion, certain biosomatic traits, or any specific legal and moral ideas make all those of whom they are characteristic ipso facto a distinctive social group (see also Singer 1962; Treudley 1953)«

To this observation we may add Stryker's

C

"1973 2 326) basic premise that:

••• a group is a system of interactions. Where there is no interaction, there is no group. This is an obvious point, but some social analysts have gotten into

difficulty because they neglected the obvious.

Equating an ethnic category with an ethnic group is analogous to presuming that Klasse an sich is the same as Klasse fur sich. This demographic definition of ethnic group creates a problem in its

relation to ethnicity, which for Greeley, is "a sense of presumed common origin" and a means of "self definition and social location" (197^: 27 ; emphasis added). That is, there is an assumption that members of an ethnic category experience ethnicity, or ethnic "self definition", or ethnic identity. As Greeley (1979: 91) states:

When we asked a respondent what his nationality or background was, we assumed that his answer, ’Irish' or 'Italian',

indicated the possible presence of a predisposition to attitudes, values, norms and behavior that were part of the baggage of

the immigrant group brought from their countries or origin,., (emphasis added).

Even if Greeley's assumption is correct, this is a static

characterization of ethnic identification which does not sufficiently represent the ex tent to which individuals are committed to their ethnic heritages. It is similar to assuming that an individual's religious preference is a measure of his or her degree of religiosity. Some scholars are less presumptuous than Greeley, as they do not posit a direct relationship between an ethnic group or category and ethnic

- ko - i d e n t i t y . T a f t ( 1 9 7 2 : 7 6 ) , f o r e x a m p l e , ( who u s e s e t h n i c c a t e g o r i e s a s e t h n i c g r o u p s ) s u g g e s t s t h a t i n d i v i d u a l s may o r may n o t a f f i r m t h e i r e t h n i c i d e n t i t i e s b e c a u s e some p e o p l e h a v e g r e a t e r e m o t i o n a l i n v o l v e m e n t t h a n o t h e r s i n t h e s e i d e n t i t i e s . D e s p i t e s u c h q u a l i f i c a ­ t i o n s , i t r e m a i n s t h a t i n t h e c a s e o f G r e e l e y , who a s s u m e s t h a t p o s s e s s i o n o f a n e t h n i c t r a i t e n t a i l s e t h n i c i t y , a n d T a f t , who i s a w a r e t h a t p e o p l e e x p e r i e n c e mo r e o r l e s s e t h n i c i t y , t h e p r o b l e m i s t h a t e t h n i c i t y h a s no e x p l a n a t o r y d i m e n s i o n . T h a t i s , t h e r e i s n o t h i n g t o i n d i c a t e why e t h n i c i t y e x i s t s , n o r i s t h e r e a n y t h i n g t o d i s t i n g u i s h b e t w e e n i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h e t h n i c i t y who do a n d do n o t i n t e r a c t w i t h f e l l o w e t h n i c s . Th e a b o v e c o n f u s i o n s do n o t a p p l y t o a l l w r i t i n g s i n t h i s a r e a . T h o s e s c h o l a r s who r e c o g n i s e t h e d i f f i c u l t i e s d e s c r i b e d a b o v e a n d t h e s a l i e n c e o f F r a n c i s ' ( 1 9 7 6 : 3 7 0 ) c l a i m , d e f i n e e t h n i c g r o u p s i n t e r m s o f t h e v a l u e s a n d s e n t i m e n t s w h i c h m e m b e r s s h a r e . T h a t i s , " c o n s c i o u s n e s s o f k i n d " i s a n e c e s s a r y p r e c o n d i t i o n f o r t h e l o c a t i o n o f a n e t h n i c g r o u p ( S c h e r m e r h o r n 1 9 7 0 : 1 2 ) . H o w e v e r , i t i s my c o n t e n t i o n t h a t s c h o l a r s h a v e n o t : ( 1 ) made a n i m p o r t a n t d i s t i n c t i o n b e t w e e n t wo d i f f e r e n t t y p e s o f e t h n i c i d e n t i t y - e t h n i c a w a r e n e s s ,

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a n d e t h n i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s ; a n d ( 2 ) a d e q u a t e l y c o n s i d e r e d t h e d e g r e e t o w h i c h t h e s e a f f e c t i v e p h e n o m e n a m a n i f e s t t h e m s e l v e s . E t h n i c A w a r e n e s s E t h n i c a w a r e n e s s e x i s t s when a n i n d i v i d u a l k n o ws ( s ) h e p o s s e s s e s a c e r t a i n e t h n i c t r a i t ( s ) w h i c h i s no mo r e m e a n i n g f u l t h a n h i s o r h e r o t h e r c u l t u r a l , p h y s i c a l , s o c i a l , o r t e r r i t o r i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . I n t e r m s o f a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s s e l f d e f i n i t i o n , e t h n i c a w a r e n e s s may d e r i v e f r o m i n t e r a c t i o n i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s s u c h a s v o l u n t a r y e t h n i c a s s o c i a t i o n s

or from perceived membership in a wide social category (e.g., ’’Queenslander", "European"), but this source of identification is only one of a number of avenues of self identification. For example, for some Queenslanders the awareness of being a "Queenslander" is no more significant than, say, also being "elderly", "female", or "middle class".

In his early theoretical paper The Nature of the Ethnic Group Francis (19^7), implicitly regards ethnic awareness as the significant characteristic of ethnic groups. By referring to it as a "community sub type", Francis points to the ethnic group's close relationship to other community phenomena, such as "family, caste, or residential

community", other possible sources of personal identification (see also Bell, 1975). 'The "ethnic group" deserves a "special name" to distinguish it from individuals' membership in other "community phenomena" because:

... while the family or residential community is unable to satisfy all the basic societal needs of human nature, the ethnic group not only permits a high degree of self- sufficiency and segregation but tends to enforce and preserve it (Francis 19^7: 399)»

Although Francis (19^7* 397-398) distinguishes ethnic groups from other groups and anticipates the processual, dynamic nature of ethnicity, he uses the term ethnic group to refer to groups with ethnic awareness, as such groups "are based on an elementary feeling of solidarity"

(Francis 19^7: 39b, emphasis added).

An empirical illustration of ethnic awareness is contained in a recent paper by Driedger (1973)« Although Driedger begins by using ethnic group as an ethnic category - "the largest ethnic groups in Manitoba were the British (396,000), Ukrainians (105,000)..." (see

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also Driedger and Church, 1974: 3^ i 33» 37) - de does not assume that ethnic origin automatically entails ethnic identification among group "members". Rather, his aim is "to determine the extent to which national origin factors still apply to ethnic groups in Manitoba"

(1975: 1 5 0

).

Driedger goes onto demonstrate a multidimensional

measure of ethnic identity in terms of cultural and structural factors, such as language use, religion, endogamy, parochial education, choice of ingroup friends, and ethnic voluntary organizations. Moreover, he shows that identification with ethnic cultural and structural factors - ethnic awareness - varies by ethnic groups (1975* 157)* An important point arising from Driedger’s paper (1975)* which relates to ethnic awareness, is that ethnic "groups" are conceptualised largely in

cultural items and in terms of individuals' identities. Apart from two of the four items on the religious factor, the parochial education factor and the ethnic organizations factor (structural factors), group members' identification or awareness derives from factors which do not entail group organization or interaction with the same people from

factor to factor. In short, using this characterization of ethnic group, it is possible to have a "group" with high ethnic identity, based on individual members' high identity scores, but a relative paucity of formal ethnic organization (see also Driedger and Peters 1973» 1977)*

Ethnic Consciousness

Ethnically conscious, like ethnically aware individuals, know they possess a specific ethnic trait(s) but for them this characteristic assumes considerable importance. Its saliency is evident in the way in which it influences other cultural, social, or territorial attributes and modes of individual identification. Whereas ethnically aware individuals display an elementary feeling of solidarity, ethnically

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conscious individuals manifest strong sentiments about their uniqueness. A "we" versus "they" mentality exists vis-a-vis other groups and there is more likely to be social tension and conflict (Connor 1972, 1973; Goering 1971)* ethnic groups with ethnic consciousness, which include such groups as Black Nationalists, The I.R.A., Armenian Liberationists, and certain sectors of migrant groups in Australia, have been viewed as creating "new identities" distinct from those traditional groups which maintain their identity (Driedger and Peters 19732 243). Glazer and Moynihan (1975* 5)i in illustrating this usage, point to the

assertiveness and mobilization of groups along ethnic lines to achieve group interests. They regard ethnic groups as "major elements of a society", no longer "minority and marginal subgroups on the edges of society - groups expected to assimilate, to disappear...". Similarly, Lyman and Douglass (1973* 344-345) in stressing the dynamic, processual nature of ethnicity, argue that at the group level of social organiz­ ation:

ethnic relations usually translate themselves into sets and series of strategic and tactical situations played out over time as contending ethnic groups seek to alter their respective statuses vis-a-vis one another.

Rather than ethnicity or ethnic identity being an ascriptive, static characteristic, it is a process which individual group members "make use of... as a manoeuver or strategem in working out their own life chances" (Lyman and Douglass 1973- 35 0; also see Greeley 1974:

291)« This applies equally to assembling as it does to dissembling an ethnic identity. In either case, the ethnic group exists qua ethnic group because of the salience or strategic importance of ethnic

consciousness vis-a-vis the wider social milieu. Unlike the earlier examples of individuals and groups with ethnic awareness, there are

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"Queenslanders" to whom this attachment is a significant, or most

significant, aspect of self definition. Although outside the scope

of this study, the difference between awareness and consciousness is illustrated by the militant woman's liberationist for whom "female" assumes a paramount aspect of self definition.

2.7 A Typology Of Ethnic Concepts

Nov/ that I have discussed the various ways in which ethnic concepts have been used in the literature, I would like to present a

typology which I hope will clarify the confusion. In the conceptual

FIGURE 2-1

TYPES OF ETHNIC IDENTIFICATION AND ORGANISATION Type of

Ethnic

Identification

Ethnic Awareness Ethnic Consciousness

Individual Level of Analysis

An individual knows

(s)he possesses an ethnic trait(s) which is no more meaningful than his or her other cultural, physical, social or territorial characteris­ tics.

An individual possesses an ethnic trait(s)

which assumes consider­ able importance

vis-a-vis other

personal characteristics to the extent that

ethnic identification can be the mode of identification. Type of

Organization Ethnic Category Ethnic Group

Group Level of Analysis

A certain number of people can be class­ ified into a specific category because they

possess an ethnic trait(s). However, there is no sense of belonging among these people, as this common attribute is not

perceived as the basis for any sort of meaning­ ful social interaction. Such aggregates may be called ethnic categories in themselves.

A certain number of people meaningfully interact on the basis of a similar ethnic trait(s) which they share. There is a consciousness of kind and a sense of belong­ ing present. Such social entities may be called ethnic groups for themselves.

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scheme (see Figure 2-1) I follow van den Berghe’s (1967: 136)

suggestion that the individual and group levels of analysis be kept

separate. This is necessary because a high level of ethnic identif­

ication does not necessarily entail group formation and group formation does not necessarily involve high levels of ethnic identification among all individuals. It is obvious from this typology that I restrict the use of the term ethnic group to those situations in which individuals

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