I was aware that that my own personal values and world view in being a Black-British man could be perceived as also impacting upon my interpretations of the
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predominantly White-British female trainee-teachers voices. Stenhouse (1981, p.14) describes the strong links between ‘interest’ and ‘curiosity’ acting as ‘the impulse behind all research’. He also warns that these same interests and curiosities can unwelcomingly develop as precarious impulses, causing imbalance to the process if swayed by values:
Curiosity is almost inevitably associated with considerations of advantage or detriment…All researchers are beset by temptations of interest which may blow them off course’
(Stenhouse, 1981, p 14-15).
The reality of social research is as Jacubowicz (1991, p.5) points out, ‘carried out by flesh and blood figures engaged in real life activities’. As Troyna (1994, p.5) writes: ‘research should not be construed as something pristine’. My interpretations of responses made by the trainee-teachers in all phases of my data analysis is shaped to some extent by the preconceptions that I had about the meanings contained in the data they had produced through their responses (Denscombe, 2007). I acknowledge that this could be perceived as a limitation of my approach to analysis where I have relied upon my prior assumptions and evidence generated by the study concerning the background influences and socialisation of the trainee-teachers. However, we all have subjectivities, therefore my approach to the study is no better and no worse than anybody else’s would be, neither more scientific; nor more or less credible (Denscombe, 2007). My selection, analysis and interpretation of responses made by the trainee-teachers in the study is approached with rigour and integrity, for
advancing professional practice on teaching and learning MEGroMMaS in the Key Stage 2 classroom.
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4.25. Chapter summary
This study is shaped by the paradigmatic fusion of interpretivism and critical education research. In adopting the interpretivist paradigm for the study, my argument is that MEGroMMaS can be understood better through perceptions and experiences of the phenomenon as derived by the individual. My generating of qualitative subjective perceptions of MEGroMMaS through the responses from trainee-teachers is rooted by the interpretivist paradigm. This is also the same in my generating qualitative subjective experiences of MEGroMMaS by the responses from my mother and me. The study therefore adopted the methodological concept of phenomenology. My fusion of interpretivism with the critical theoretical in analysis of the responses from trainee-teachers allowed me to test for the reproduction of dominant White-British majoritarian priorities in approaches to practice with the Key Stage 2 history curriculum aims and contents. My application of critical theory also allowed me to raise trainee-teachers’ perceptions of MEGroMMaS over the ages, in potentially developing for them enlightenment and empowerment on how they could shape their future approaches to professional practice in engagement with the Key Stage 2 history curriculum aims and contents.
The use of short personal narratives and conversation between my mother and I concerning Afro-Caribbean MEGroMMaS, Brixton 1981 and the Black-British experience were to enable our co-construction of the past, for generating meaning making and new knowledge in viewing the story of Britain’s migrant past
(MEGroMMaS) over the ages. Our accounts were transcribed, and used as artefacts with trainee-teachers in a focus group discussion.
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Twenty-one trainee-teachers completed my revised semi-structured questionnaire. I applied a system of unitized coding to the open-ended responses of my revised semi-structured questionnaire, for identifying themes and relationships which led on to my development of concepts, theories and generalised statements concerning trainee-teachers; the Key Stage 2 history curriculum aims and contents and MEGroMMaS. In my analysis of the language in the responses given by trainee- teachers, I interrogated the potential for dominant societal, ideological and political influences on their thinking when they articulated their thoughts about MEGroMMaS and their approaches to teaching and learning about it through the Key Stage 2 history curriculum aims and contents. The questions conceived for the semi- structured interviews with three trainee-teachers (Diana, Anne and Catherine) stemmed from my synthesis of the themes which derived from the trainee-teachers’ responses to my revised semi-structured questionnaire. Diana, Anne and Catherine were given the transcripts of the short personal narratives; transcripts of the
conversation between my mother and I and a copy of the Key Stage 2 history curriculum aims and contents to assist their participation in the focus group discussion. Its purpose was as a forum for the co-construction of meaning,
developing insights and understanding on MEGroMMaS via the potential of critical thinking.
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Chapter Five
Data presentation: Immigrant parent and Black-British born child
5.0. Chapter contents
In this chapter, the short personal narratives written by my mother and me discuss Brixton 1981, involving cross-cultural and cross-ethic encounters between Afro- Caribbean people and the Metropolitan Police (a White-British institution of power). I have added visuals of Brixton 1981 after each account to help with illustrating the words. The conversation between my mother and me that follows discusses in more detail our view of Afro-Caribbean MEGroMMaS, Brixton 1981 and the Black-British experience. In the final sections of this chapter, I consider how the short personal narratives and conversation between my mother and me could be applied in relation to teaching and learning about MEGroMMaS and the aims and contents of the Key Stage 2 history curriculum. I also discuss my use of them as artefacts for
consideration by trainee-teachers on their approaches to practice.