The history of Côte d’Ivoire can be divided into three major periods: pre-colonial, colonial, and post-independence. The pre-colonial era was marked by the occupation of the land of contemporary Côte d’Ivoire by a variety of kingdoms and empires (Kablan 2013). These include the Gyaaman State, the Anyi and Baule Kingdoms, as well as the Kong, Mali, and Ghana Empires. For centuries, some of these polities struggled for domination of the region, either among themselves or against Islamic or European invaders (Kablan 2013). It is generally believed that the population of contemporary Côte d’Ivoire is the result of migrations by different ethnic groups following the collapse of the Ghana and Kong Empires (Kablan 2013).
In the late nineteenth century, European competition over territories in Africa led to the Berlin Conference of 1884-1885 that resulted in the partition of Africa among European powers.
France was attributed a large part of West and Central Africa. However, French attempts to
occupy these territories were met with resistance (Kablan 2013). In the northern part of what is now known as Côte d’Ivoire, French troops had to overcome a challenge by Samory Touré, the founder and the leader of the Wassoulou Empire, which covered the contemporary lands of northern Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, and Sierra Leone (Kablan 2013). France eventually established control over the region after its troops defeated and captured Touré in 1898 (Collet 2006; Kablan 2013).
During the colonial period, Côte d’Ivoire was ruled as a portion of the French West African federation, commonly referred to as the Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF). Like the other seven colonies of the AOF, Côte d’Ivoire underwent a series of social and political struggles imposed by the French policies of forced labor and political subjugation. Toward the end of World War II, French officials and representatives from French African colonies met at the Brazzaville Conference (Congo) in 1944 to decide on new orientations for the French colonial empire. The participants agreed on the need for social, political, and economic reforms.
The main policy shift resulting from the summit was the so called assimilation, which sought to gradually assimilate African people into French citizens (Pedler 1979).
The reforms undertaken by the French government led to the emergence of Félix Houphouët-Boigny as a key figure of the Ivorian politics who will later shape the future of his country. A medical doctor and a wealthy plantation owner, Houphouët-Boigny was a Baule (Akan ethnic group) born in central Côte d’Ivoire on October 18, 1905 (Nandjui 1995). He was one of the few Ivorians of his generation to attend the then-prestigious Ecole Ponty in Senegal, a school that trained Africans for jobs in teaching, administration, and medicine. Upon graduation, he was assigned as an “African doctor” in the southeastern region of Côte d’Ivoire. In 1940, he
returned to his home region in the center of the country to accept an appointment as chief canton, and to manage vast lands of cocoa and coffee that he inherited (Nandjui 1995; Glickman 1992).
Houphouët-Boigny began his political ascension in the years after World War II. In 1944, he co-founded the Syndicat Agricole Africain (African Farmers’ Syndicate), which lobbied colonial authorities to improve work conditions for farmers (Kablan 2013). Elected to the French Constituent Assembly in October 1945, he later pushed for the adoption of the law of April 4, 1946 that abolished forced labor in French colonies of Sub-Saharan Africa (Nandjui 1995). In October 1946, he convened leaders of different French African colonies to the Bamako Congress, which led to the creation of the Rassemblement Démocratique Africain (RDA). This was the first political movement that advocated for the emancipation of the peoples of Sub-Saharan Africa under French rule (Nandjui 1995). The same year, he founded the Parti Démocratique de Côte d’Ivoire (PDCI), the Ivorian branch of RDA which later became the state party for several decades (Collet 2006).
Contrary to other leaders in other colonies,23 Houphouët-Boigny showed no eagerness for his country’s independence from French colonial rule. As the Ivorian representative at the French Constituent Assembly in September 1946, he famously declared that “There are no separatists on these benches” (Hargreaves 1979, 71), indicating that his country was not seeking independence.
Between 1956 and 1960, he was a member of all the French governments under the Fourth Republic (Nandjui 1995).
The Ivorian charismatic leader was particularly involved in the process leading up to the creation of the French Community. In fall 1958, the French government introduced a new
23 In other colonies such as Indochina and Tunisia, the French colonial rule was challenged in the 1940s by nationalist movements demanding independence.
constitution that was submitted to a referendum in the metropole and in the colonies alike. The new provisions gave African colonies the opportunity to leave the Community and attain independence. Houphouët-Boigny actively campaigned for a “No” vote. As a result, his country, along with all other colonies but Guinea, voted “No” on September 28. Thus, Côte d’Ivoire became an autonomous republic within the French Community (Nandjui 1995).
Houphouët-Boigny’s political ascension was also materialized through his dominance of Ivorian politics under the French rule. In the March 1957 national and territorial elections, his party, the PDCI, won 80 percent of the vote and 58 out of 60 seats in the Territorial Assembly (Morrison, Mitchell and Paden 1989, 500). His leading role in the September 1958 referendum and the resulting “No” vote further consolidated his political prominence in the country.
Two years into the existence of the French Community, Paris decided to grant independence to its African colonies. Thus, Côte d’Ivoire attained political independence on August 7, 1960. Three months later, a new constitution was adopted. According to the new institutional arrangements, the parliamentary system that was in place at independence would be replaced by a presidential system (Morrison, Mitchell and Paden 1989). The new constitution conferred to the president enormous powers, including that of appointing and dismissing cabinet ministers, determining and conducting public policy, and appointing managers of the bureaucratic agencies and security forces (Loi nº 60-356, Unpublished).
A few years after independence, Côte d’Ivoire signed a number of agreements with France that would later impact the course of the new country’s political development. According to these agreements, which remained secret for the most part, Côte d’Ivoire was to export its strategic resources to France as a matter of priority. In addition, it was to buy its military equipment from the former metropole. In return, France was to assist the newly independent state
with expertise in military and administrative matters. The agreements also required France to come to the defense of Côte d’Ivoire when the latter faced domestic or external threats to its security.24
The post-independence era is marked by two main phases. The first, which extended through 1990, was dominated by Houphouët-Boigny’s rule over the country. During this period, which coincided with the Cold War, the PDCI was the only political party tolerated by Ivorian authorities (Morrison, Mitchell and Paden 1989, 500-501) although the constitution legally allowed the existence of multiple parties (Loi nº 60-356, Unpublished). The Cold War years were also the most stable in the post-independence Ivorian history.
The second phase of the post-independence era started when the country democratized in 1990. The main change in the institutional order was the adoption of a multiparty system. For the first time, political competition was open to other political formations. Ironically, this second phase characterized by open political competition is also the most unstable of Côte d’Ivoire’s modern history. The next section provides an overview of political developments throughout these periods.