GENERALIDADES DE LA ENSEÑANZA-APRENDIZAJE DE QUÍMICA

Gender differences were observed for ‘trust’, ‘governance’, and total social capital score with men scoring higher than females although the amount of variance explained was only 1%. Men have close involvement working together in a club whether playing the sport or activity or undertaking other roles. Leisure clubs are one of the main areas of volunteer involvement for Australians, representing 26% of volunteer hours (ABS. 2006). For males, leisure clubs provide one of the most common opportunities for volunteering (Chubb & Chubb, 1985; ABS, 2006). These clubs are an environment where males are with like-minded people, feel comfortable and develop strong social connections (Putnam, 1995, 2000). The men in these clubs, through cooperation and working through issues, develop strong social connections and build trust. As indicated, men generally have fewer friends than women, especially close friendships, and their friendships are often based on ‘doing things’ together and being involved in various activities rather than in the close intimate relationships preferred by females (Bell, 1981; Block, 1980; Fasteau, 1991). Therefore the club setting is a good environment for trust and social capital to

develop between men while engaging in an activity.

In regard to ‘governance’, men respond more than women to governance and rules in leisure settings, potentially due to the greater involvement of men at board level at work and this may be transferred to the voluntary sector (Mattsson, Stenbacka & Stenbacka, 2003b). Men also have ‘cross sectional networks’ where their job and their voluntary involvement in a club may overlap. Men are more often given board positions in leisure clubs, based on their work background and understanding of boards and governance (Mattsson, Stenbacka & Stenbacka, 2003a), which becomes an extension of their network. This results in men generally making up the majority on boards (Mattsson, Stenbacka & Stenbacka, 2003a). Governance therefore is something well-understood by men and valued in associations explaining their higher score over females in governance in this research. Until recent times little social capital research had addressed gender and governance. However, Clarke (2004), Hoye and Cuskelly (2007), Claringbold and Hoppers (2008), Adriaanse (2011), and the Australian Sports Commission (2013) have noted the need for an

increase in the number of women as advisers, board members and administrators in the sport sector.

When considering age as a moderating factor it was found that ‘friendship’ and ‘trust’ were rated higher by younger people. Hartley (1999), highlighted the importance of close relationships, trust, and involvement in recreation and the community as important for young adults in her research. On the whole however, little research has been conducted to examine age differences in social capital to date. This is supported by Schaefer-McDaniel (2004) who point out that more research should be conducted regarding social capital and young adults. However, she also notes the contribution of social capital in preparing young people for

adulthood through friendships, relationships, and social networks based on trust. The role of mentors in leisure clubs is an important way clubs help young people to develop into adulthood (Baseball Victoria Junior Sport policy, 2006). Research also links the importance of place for young people which may suggest that club

involvement fulfills this need. The significance of ‘trust’ and ‘friendships’ among younger club members in this research relates to, and is supported by, some of the limited research that has been undertaken regarding young adults and social capital. However more research is needed.

Income was a small moderating factor in ‘governance’ (2%) and Total Social Capital (1%) with individuals on incomes under $60,000 per annum expressing higher levels of ‘governance’ and Total Social Capital than those on higher incomes. This may result from people on lower incomes experiencing less personal freedom in their lives and in employment, feeling vulnerable and therefore wanting rules to ensure fairness in their leisure activities. Initial research analysing income and social capital concentrated on third world regions (Grootaert, Van Bastelaeur & World Bank, 2002) with the connection between social capital and income in developed countries being overlooked. However, Bjornskov’s (2002) research links social capital and income production in Denmark. The research suggests individuals believe in institutions and desire supportive friendships with members of their groups for support and assistance in life. People on low incomes see the club as a vehicle for them to enhance their lives if it has ‘good transparent’ governance.

Bowles (1999) referred to clubs as a ‘community’ and pointed out that connection and good governance is important in addressing problems in a club or in a

community. Members of the club should own the fruits of their labour and those on lower incomes may invest more of themselves as they usually have fewer leisure options. Research has shown that people on middle incomes or above prefer more and different choices in leisure, while those on lower incomes prefer more familiar choices (Snibbe & Markus, 2005; Stephens, Markus, & Townsend, 2007). People on higher incomes also may belong to leisure groups affiliated through their work, such as a gym or a golf club, thus the leisure club is not their only leisure outlet (Rossman & Schlatter, 2008). In this way those on lower incomes may invest more of

themselves in a smaller range of social networks. The difference in Total Social Capital may reflect people with fewer options in leisure due to income investing more into a club. This area of income, social capital and the factors of social capital, need further investigation through research.

Education also showed significance: differences were noted in the subscales of ‘friendship’ (2%), ‘trust’ (4%) and ‘governance’ (2%) and total social capital (2%). People with lower levels of education registered higher mean scores in all of these subscales and the overall score. These results mirror findings in some of the limited current research on social capital and education. In the United States the percentage of people finishing high school has doubled over the past 40 years, however research indicates that social capital levels and volunteering are reduced (Putnam, 2000). This may be similar to the findings of this research where increased education resulted in lower social capital in some of the subscales and total social capital. Research refers to average education levels being critical for a successful working class identity to emerge in groups, including unions and clubs (Helliwell, & Putnam, 2004). Leisure clubs may allow for people of lower education levels (primary or secondary) to practice social capital skills such as participation and governance in a comfortable setting (Putnam, 1995). Sporting clubs and religious institutions can have an effect in creating and sustaining social capital in place of the tertiary education experience (Helliwell & Putnam, 2004). Young people in clubs can become embedded in club life and this becomes an important aspect of their

weak ties (Florida, 2002), have larger networks and their club involvement may be limited compared to people with lower education and fewer networks. Highly- educate people therefore may not need the deeper involvement in a club as they have a range of ‘looser social connections’ (Florida, 2002, 2004).

This exploratory research indicates and supports the need for further research in social capital and its relationship to a number of demographic factors including gender, income, education, age and ethnicity.

6.6 Summary

This chapter examined potential variation in social capital from the perspective of the clubs or the individual. Sources of potential variation in social capital due to age, gender and club size and other factors were analysed. The differences obtained at both the club and individual level were noted and are supported to some extent by the limited literature which has examined the role of moderating factors on social capital. The effects were larger when analysed at the club level in comparison to the individual level. This finding could be expected as larger difference in social capital would be expected between clubs of very different nature and purpose than between individual members. This suggests that the CSCS is a valid and reliable instrument and can discriminate between clubs and individuals based on selected demographic and organisational factors.

The final chapter of the research (Chapter 7) will summarise and critically evaluate results from the study in relation to questions raised in the original research

objectives, and in the analysis in Chapters 5 and 6. The final chapter will also discuss this research in regard to previous research and highlight the contribution the development of the scale and its analysis will provide to the field of research in social capital and leisure clubs.