NOMBRE Ignacio Carrasco

West’s (1975:92) third identified main mode of healing is by means of consultation with a prophet before, during or after services or at any other time convenient to the prophet. Prophets, who are primarily found in Spirit-type AICs have received, as indicated earlier, the special gift of the Holy Spirit/God or in other words act as agents of the Holy Spirit/God. As agents of the Holy Spirit/God they are able to recognise, explain and heal illnesses that include various kinds of misfortune, and predict future events (West 1975:98). According to Daneel (2007:219) it is also in this context that the healing powers of the biblical Jesus are introduced. West (1975:98) added that prophets are every so often assisted in their tasks by ancestor spirits, although this is not necessarily true for all AIC prophets. Not all prophets have the same abilities to prophesy as some are perceived to be more successful than others. According to Hammond-Tooke (1989:138) the presence of successful or so-called strong prophets determines to a large extent the prestige and popularity of an AIC’s healing ministry (see Oosthuizen 1992:3, 28–30).

In contrast to prophets of the New Testament, AIC prophets do not preach the Word of God because this is the task of church officials, such as ministers, evangelists and priests/preachers. AIC prophets are specifically known as healers and as such follow a holistic approach, closely associated with the traditional African perception of healing, by linking “physical healing with social healing, that is the restoration of disturbed relationships, which implies those relationships which destroy socio- economic well-being” (Oosthuizen 1992:16). It is interesting to note that Kiernan (in Hammond-Tooke 1989:138) found that among Zulu-speaking Zionists “the prophet instigates the healing process and determines what should be done, but the execution of his prescription is controlled and often carried out by the minister- preacher”. Based on my own observations this is also true for the healing ministry of the ZCC in Marabastad as will be discussed later in Chapter 4 (see Kiernan 1990:154–155).

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Most prophets have experienced a calling in terms of an illness, which was usually accompanied by dreams or visions, and only curable by another prophet. In general it is believed that the Holy Spirit instigates a calling. It has, however, also been recorded that ancestor spirits appeared in dreams or visions and instructed kin to go to a certain church to become prophets. Any person, regardless of their gender, who possesses the special gift of the Holy Spirit, can become a prophet. Therefore, even though Spirit-type AICs are mostly characterised by male-dominated hierarchies, women, as prophets, can play significant roles within their churches (Daneel 2007:216; Oosthuizen 1992:22–23, 31–32; Steyn 1996:8; West 1975:98–99). Of interest here, although not true for all AICs, West (1975:104) found in the Soweto area that most prophets were females. Kiernan (1990:154) indicated that among the Zulu-speaking Zionists, there is also a relatively strong presence of female prophets, but that the strongest prophets were always known to be men.

Although female prophets fulfil the same healing functions as male prophets, according to Daneel (2007:221), they tend to focus more “on women’s procreative roles and problems, such as barrenness and family conflicts deriving from such conditions, pregnancies, childbirth, and infant care”. Within a Spirit-type AIC community female members receive more support against gender discrimination, the humiliation of barrenness, and witchcraft or sorcery attacks on their fertility, pregnancies, children and family lives. Female members also receive support against accusations of witchcraft practices to which they are specifically susceptible when they show extraordinary abilities. As mentioned earlier, when found guilty of witchcraft practices, even though they might be innocent, the community could punish them even with death. In a Spirit-type AIC community women with extraordinary abilities are protected in the sense that they are usually recognised as prophets (Daneel 2007:222). AICs, therefore, become safe havens for women and, by extension, their children. The greater number of women present in AICs could be the result of these female-considerate circumstances.

Many female members aspire to become prophets, though not everyone has the ability or special gift to do so. They are then able to become prayer women, whom West (1975:98) also referred to as half-prophetesses. Prayer women usually receive authority from their church to visit the sick and pray for them. In Zimbabwe, for

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example, the ZCC of Mutendi initiated female groups known as the Ruwadzano (Mothers Union) help the needy and pray for the sick, among other functions (Daneel 2007:218, 224–225). Although prayer women have no specific training, they can sometimes assist prophets in consultations, but are not able to prophesise themselves (West 1975:99).

Some prophets received formal training and others not. The prophets interviewed by West (1975:184) had all received training from the prophets who had healed them. Typically various ritual actions were repetitively executed during prophetic apprenticeships, such as purification rituals by means of immersions in a river, vomiting, the interpretation of dreams, and the making of offerings to ancestor spirits in a request for assistance. Some of the prophets Oosthuizen (1992:37–38) had interviewed in the greater Durban and Johannesburg area were also trained by the prophet who had healed them, though others had not received any training. His interviewees’ training entailed approximately the same elements West (1975:184) had indicated in his study, though some reported that they had also received teachings of various illnesses and the treatments thereof.

The prophets who had not received any training explained that they had never been in need of training, because they received the continuous guidance and instructions of the Holy Spirit. Often, after their initial healing experiences, they had begun to speak in tongues, which is perceived as a sign of the “spirit of prophesy”. From that moment onwards it is believed that the visions and dreams experienced are injunctions from the Holy Spirit. The Holy Spirit is believed to reveal all kinds of information such as the kind of problems a patient is experiencing and instructions to provide healing. Several of Oosthuizen’s (1992:37–38) research participants indicated the intermittent assistance of the ancestor spirits by means of dreams and visions during their training and/or during their usual prophetic activities.

Prophets treat a variety of ill-health symptoms, of which Hammond-Tooke (1989:139) indicated symptoms such as “stomach pains, fainting, backache, toothache and constipation, but also more general matters such as marital discord, disappointment in love, loss of memory and housing problems”. West (1975:104) noted that the methods used by prophets generally display uniform characteristics,

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although the details may vary. Patients can be interviewed, given advice, prayed for and blessed in various ways. The most common healing aids or instruments are perceived to be the Bible and Holy water and could be supplemented by the use of a Holy stick and candles. The prescription of river immersions, baths, enemas, steaming and emetics are widely used. A variety of remedies can be prescribed. The following are the most common: water, water mixed with ash, seawater, ash, vinegar, vinegar mixed with sugar, sugar, lime, rosewater, Vaseline (petroleum jelly), Vaseline mixed with methylated spirits or sulphur, sulphur, milk, bicarbonate of soda, oil, methylated spirits, Epson salts, certain foods and the wearing of colour-specific vestments and cords (Oosthuizen 1992:39, 42–46, West 1975:104, 108).

Hammond-Tooke (1989:140) suggested that prophets might have introduced medicines into their treatments to satisfy their patients’ psychological need for remedies with substance. Most prophets are opposed to the use of a diviner’s or herbalist’s medicines and therefore, possibly consciously, incorporated mostly inorganic substances that would clearly differ from those used by the diviner or herbalist. In general, the contrast between the two kinds of medicines is used to differentiate between Christian and non-Christian usage.

Although prophets are usually opposed to the use of biomedical remedies, when a patient has contracted a serious affliction such as a broken leg or arm, a prophet could suggest biomedical treatment. One of my research participants, Mr F, explained that this kind of affliction is in need of an instant remedy, which is not always possible with prophetic treatment (Personal communication 2002). Hammond-Tooke (1989:140) wrote that for roughly for that same reason most prophets interviewed by West (1975) were also not opposed to the use of biomedical treatment. A few of them, however, did perceive this course of events as a sign of a lack of faith.

Prophets are known to be extremely successful in attracting patients. West (1975:121–122) summarised the possible reasons for this popularity, which are also cited by Hammond-Tooke (1989:140) and independently indicated by Oosthuizen (1992:139). A very important reason seemed to be prophets’ assertion to practise divination and healing through the power of God, thus being assisted by the greatest

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of all supernatural beings. Of equal importance is prophets’ ability to understand the nature of afflictions, those that are classified as biomedical diseases and especially illnesses that are embedded in traditional African sociocultural settings. To be able to heal an affliction it is necessary to know the history of the patient, in other words “how” and “why” this particular patient contracted an affliction. As indicated earlier, biomedicine is usually able to indicate scientifically how an affliction was contracted, but mostly not why this particular patient was targeted. Thus, another reason for their popularity is that a prophet, by means of Godly inspiration, is able to explain how and why this particular patient, and not somebody else, is suffering from the affliction. Because the prophet is able to understand the nature of the affliction and the reasons for its presence, s/he is able to provide a more convincing diagnosis than a biomedical practitioner. A prophet’s diagnosis explains the unknown and therefore enables the patient to replace the fear of the unknown with understanding.

After a prophet has given a convincing diagnosis and explanation, the patient receives appropriate treatment. The prophet’s healing repertoire includes a variety of impressive ritual actions and techniques, which are conducted in familiar surroundings perceived as more acceptable than those of biomedical practitioners who practise medicine in a clinical environment alien to the patient’s usual circumstances. Because the patient is able to understand the diagnosis and therefore the reasons for a particular treatment, even if treatment is not successful, it will at least have satisfied the patient’s need for appropriate treatment (Oosthuizen 1992:39; West 1975:122–123; see Herselman 2007:65). In short, it seems that the popularity of the prophets can be reduced to the fact that prophets share or at least understand, to some extent, the traditional African world-view.

3.4.3 Notions about causation

It has now become clear that the prophet’s ability to indicate the cause of an affliction is of great significance to successful healing practices; first, because the treatment depends upon an affliction’s specific cause and second, the cause explains the meaning of the affliction to the patient whose understanding is necessary to enable effective healing (Hammond-Tooke 1989:140). Knowledge of the notions of possible causes of illness including various kinds of misfortune, this time within the context of

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Spirit-type AICs, is essential in understanding the nature of healing (Oosthuizen 1992:54).

Prophets function essentially in a paradigm of Christian thought. Afflictions of all sorts are therefore primarily interpreted as the result of sinning, and as the result of the actions of the devil and his demons or as more commonly referred to in a Spirit- type AIC context, evil spirits. The belief in the presence of evil spirits explains the consistent occurrence of exorcisms. The human agents of causation in a traditional African setting, witches and sorcerers, are also acknowledged (Hammond-Tooke 1989:141–143; Oosthuizen 1992:54, 65). According to Steyn (1996:7) when this is the case, in contrast to the traditional practitioner who turns the evil medicine on the evil doer, the prophet will locate the evil medicine in order to neutralise its negative effects and then protect the patient from further harm.

Although it has been indicated that prophets on rare occasions do point out witches, some of the ZCC members Anderson (2000:279) consulted, regarded prophets who follow this procedure to be false prophets. They said that pointing out witches spreads hatred in the community and God could not be responsible for such a destructive prophesy. Another member said that prophets are not supposed to point fingers at others, but are supposed to bring about healing. Some of the prophets that Niehaus (2001:41–42) consulted in the Mpumalanga area, had told him that “only those with witchcraft in their blood can pinpoint witches”. Prophets therefore definitely do not want to be associated with such an action.

As soon as people become members of Spirit-type AICs, they are usually without delay by means of Holy Spirit-inspired ritual action protected against evil assaults. However, if a member has committed a sin, the Holy Spirit might withdraw this protection. This means a member can again become a target of the actions of evil doers such as evil spirits, witches or sorcerers. The same as in a traditional African context, Oosthuizen (1992:54) indicated that many of the causes of afflictions caused by evil doers can be traced back to relationships of jealousy, resentment and hatred. When this kind of affliction is obtained and the prophet is able to identify its cause, s/he will provide instructions for healing that usually comprise methods of reconciliation with the supernatural and acts to cleanse and protect the member

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against further evil assaults. When members acknowledge ancestor spirits, but disregard some of their needs, ancestor spirits might also withdraw their protection, which means that members will suffer the same consequences. Healing will then be obtained by means of similar ritual actions administered when the Holy Spirit has been offended. Interestingly enough, the same as in a traditional African setting, God, and in this regard the Holy Spirit or the ancestor spirits, are not believed to be directly responsible for serious afflictions (Hammond-Tooke 1989:142–143; Steyn 1996:7).

From the above discussion and according to Hammond-Tooke (1989:138–139), there are seemingly remarkable parallels between the roles of prophets and traditional African healthcare practitioners. One of the more prominent similarities was indicated by West (1975:184–186), who highlighted that both are commonly known to receive a mystical vocational calling, usually by means of an illness that can only be healed with the help of another prophet or traditional practitioner. The healer will then indicate that this affliction is a calling to become a prophet or traditional practitioner and that their health can only be restored if the calling is answered. Also of interest is that both vocations accept male and female practitioners. Both vocations tend to place emphasis on acts of purification particularly by means of vomiting and the making of offerings, during training or initiation. Both practitioners practise foretelling and healing through the power of the supernatural. On the whole, both vocations also accept witchcraft and sorcery as important causes of illness that includes various kinds of misfortune (Hammond- Tooke 1989:138–139).

Hammond-Tooke (1989:142) further indicated that as with traditional practitioners, many prophets also recognise ancestor spirits as causative agents and their appeasement as a necessity. He (1989:139) also specified that both are commonly known to treat physical symptoms, “but also more general matters such as marital discord, disappointment in love, loss of memory and housing problems”. Both practitioners are able to operate within a group context and on an individual basis, and the emotional setting of their vocations is rather similar (Hammond-Tooke 1989:138–139). Lastly, of significance is that both practitioners tend to promote health in a traditional African way, in the sense that health is not simply perceived as

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the absence of disease, but as a state of physical, social, and spiritual well-being (Steyn 1996:4).

Pertinent differences between the roles of prophets and traditional practitioners are undeniably also present. Daneel (1974:224–225, as quoted in Anderson 2003:110) highlighted one as being “the medium through which extraordinary knowledge is obtained”. Prophets perform healing actions by invoking and speaking on behalf of the Holy Spirit or God, professed as the most superior of all supernatural beings, even though they might sometimes be assisted by the ancestor spirits. In contrast, traditional practitioners rely mainly on the assistance of the ancestor spirits and sometimes other magical means (Steyn 1996:4). Another significant difference that has been indicated is that the remedies used by a prophet are ultimately reliant upon the patient’s prayers and faith that the triune Christian God is responsible for their healing process or the treatment could be unsuccessful. On the other hand, the success of a traditional practitioner’s medicine is believed to depend largely on its natural or magical/impersonal supernatural contents (Daneel 1983:34; West 1975:123, 184). It is, however, important to note that the effectiveness of both the prophet’s and the traditional practitioner’s remedies are significantly enhanced by a person’s faith in such healing practices. This is for that matter true for biomedical treatments or any other treatments as well (see Craffert 1999:128; Janzen 2002:163–164).

3.5 Conclusion

In an anthropological context the concept of ill-health could refer to disease or illness. Disease is perceived as a biological phenomenon, because it specifically indicates a malfunctioning of the human body and is therefore fundamental to biomedicine, which typically confines medical explanations to scientific knowledge. Illness could also indicate a malfunction of the human body, but primarily refers to a patient’s perception and experience of ill-health that consists of a personal, but mostly a sociocultural dimension. Thus, illness could include disease but is not restricted to it. The perception of ill-health classified as illness may therefore vary between different sociocultural settings. Healing practices in an AIC context, considering their particular sociocultural circumstances, can be classified as non- biomedical healthcare systems. The concept of illness is, hence, applicable.

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To understand why a person is perceived as being in need of treatment, it is important to know when a person is perceived to be healthy. The meaning of health is also determined by a patient’s perception of health, which again includes a personal, but mostly a sociocultural dimension. In many societies, for example, being healthy is perceived not only as the absence of disease, but also as a state of physical, social and psychological well-being. Therefore, to understand what the concept of ill-health and its corollary condition of health entails, knowledge of its particular sociocultural setting is necessary.

In this study the concept of healing is applicable because its meaning is embedded in a particular sociocultural setting that specifies the treatment of illness, which includes all kinds of hardships characteristic to non-biomedical healthcare systems such as those found in an AIC context. Whereas curing is perceived in the context of disease, the meaning of which is fundamental to a biomedical healthcare system, and indicates that a patient’s biological functions are being restored to normal. However, both actions are obviously not mutually exclusive.

In a traditional African sociocultural setting people tend to define their whole lives in terms of their religious beliefs. In this context it is understandable that health-seeking