There are several points to make about the time frame and the definition of ‘domestic subjects’. First, the period covered in this thesis is between 1871 and 1914. This mainly relies on the time frame adopted in Turnbull’s work (1983) when the national ‘domestic subjects movement’ arguably began to develop. This thesis will investigate the detailed conduct of the ‘domestic subjects movement’ within the Association of Head Mistresses (AHM) and in the three case study schools. By starting from 1871, it enables me to analyse the transformation of ‘domestic subjects’ in NLCS (converted to a trust school in 1871), CSG (established in 1871) and MHSG (established in 1874) from their inception. By ending in 1914, this thesis does not go into the more complex ferment of the First World War period.
Second, the term ‘domestic subjects’ is used as a comprehensive category to include a range of school subjects related to household management such as cookery, dress-making, housewifery, laundry, or needlework. In the history of ‘domestic subjects’ in the United States, definition and terminology also changed reflecting its contents and aims. In the late 1890s, ‘Household arts’ implied cooking and sewing and was tied to manual training in schools. ‘Domestic economy’ focused on housewives and household problems, especially the ‘servant problems’. ‘Domestic science’ combined work in kitchens and chemical laboratories, emphasising nutrition and sanitation. ‘Home Economics’ was linked to emerging social sciences and most clearly positioned home in relation to the larger polity, encouraging reform and municipal housekeeping. In practice, ‘household arts’ was used in primary education, ‘domestic science’ in secondary schools and ‘home economics’ in college and graduate work (Stage and Vincenti eds., 1997, pp.5-6). However, the different characteristics of ‘domestic subjects’ in English girls’ high schools are described in detail in each chapter and the transformation of ‘domestic subjects’ is summarised in Chapter 8.
When looking at the transformation of ‘domestic subjects’, I will also look at the changing aims and content of the curriculum of middle-class girls’ high schools in general. I will
47 examine the points made by Watson (2000) and Webber (2009) in detail. I will fill in the gap from Turnbull’s work (1983) by conducting case studies of three key girls’ schools under the six headmistresses over the period 1871-1914. My aim is to re-examine the arguments of the feminist historians, namely Delamont (1978s, 1978b) and Dyhouse (1981) about ‘double conformity’ and ‘separatist’ headmistresses, referred to above.
This focus on the transformation of ‘domestic subjects’ is the main originality of my doctoral research work. This perspective on ‘domestic subjects’ will be seen as a framework which contains various changing individual subjects related to household tasks such as Cookery, Dressmaking or Needlework. As I will clarify in the following chapters, ‘domestic subjects’ as a general framework had always existed in the reformed middle-class girls’ curriculum after the 1850s, although its contents had been continuously changing reflecting the ideas of headmistresses, local conditions or requirements of society.
My research questions are: How did headmistresses work together through the Association of Head Mistresses (AHM) and in their own schools to develop academic curricula and ‘domestic subjects’ for girls’ education? What were the specific characteristics of instruction in ‘domestic subjects’ such as content, aims, staff and pupils/parents involved? Were ‘domestic subjects’ actually only taught to middle-class girls with lower academic ability and/ or lower social backgrounds?
1.11. Contents.
Part I is an introduction to this thesis. The next chapter is the guide to my research approach. My research methods, the three case study schools (NLCS; CSG and MHSG) and their six headmistresses (with Miss Buss and Miss Burstall) including their direct and close networks and sources are introduced.
Part II shows the changing views and values of the professional educators of the girls, namely their headmistresses. Chapter 3 focuses on the changing debates on the girls’ school curriculum, including the introduction of ‘domestic subjects’ within their national association, AHM.
Part III is about the 3 individual schools (NLCS, CSG and MHSG) and their curricula developments. Changing school organisation and curriculum, the detailed process of the introduction of ‘domestic subjects’ and its contents, aims and members are presented. The
48 wider socio-economic and educational changes of middle-class women and girls are reflected there. Chapter 5 examines NLCS under Miss Buss (1871-1894). Chapter 6 is about NLCS under Mrs Bryant (1895-1914). Chapter 7 deals with CSG under its two headmistresses, Miss Elford (1871-1882) & Miss Lawford (1882-1914). Chapter 8 focus on MHSG under its two headmistresses, Miss Day (1873-1898) & Miss Burstall (1898-1924).
Part IV provides my final analysis and conclusions, drawing the threads together. Changing features of the transformation of domestic subjects in middle class girls’ education over the 50-year period are summarised and answers to research questions are given, namely that the move from Miss Buss to Miss Burstall was not as dramatic as had hitherto been argued. Domestic subjects had always played a part in the curriculum of middle class girls' education.
49 Chapter 2: Research approach.
2.1. Introduction.
This chapter is about how I approached my research questions and decided upon an in-depth set of case studies of three schools and their headmistresses. First I explain the relevance of my research methods and second I explain why I decided to focus on these particular headmistresses, their pupils and the parent/guardians. Third, having justified this overarching approach, I present some basic background information on the three case study schools and the six headmistresses that leads into the introduction of my archival source materials.