7. MARCO TEORICO
7.2 Televisión y Deshistorización
This section discusses a model of patriarchy that is not aggressive. The men are what Mead (1963) calls ‘passive men’. They do not use force or violence on women to gain respect and status; they are sympathetic towards women and negotiate with them. They have a lot of shared space and ideas with women. Men in this non-aggressive model can be found in matrilineal societies like the Trobiand Islands and the Massim Islands of Milne Bay, Bougainville, New Ireland and East New Britain. There are some societies that are patrilineal, yet have men as ‘passive men’ as in Mead’s (1963) study of the Arapesh. Although domestic violence or family violence is unusual in this context of non-aggressive
patriarchy, it does sometimes occur in these contexts (Sykes 2005).
Although men in this category are dominant and play chiefly roles, their power is shared with women to an extent where women deal with matters regarding the land. This means that women’s input in decision-making processes is
than the other three models, when a decision is to be made. The relationship of men with their mothers and sisters in this model is very close and a high degree of respect for these women.
For physical strength and prowess of men in this model, they do not display their strength in order to gain status. They use their strength when it is necessary, for instance, in situations where men need to protect their families from their
enemies. They do not fight only in order to display their physical capital.
Initiation and spiritual prowess is shown at the time of initiation. Boys go through the rites of initiation like boys from the other three models discussed above. Another avenue where men show their prowess is at the time of using sorcery and magic to overpower the other people because men are the gatekeepers of the knowledge of using sorcery and magic.
Men in the non-aggressive model do not feel threatened about losing their masculinity if they negotiate with women and they have a lot of respect for women because of their ownership of land, unlike in patrilineal societies. Yet abjection of women is still practiced to a certain degree - men are still cautious of women’s menstrual blood and blood at childbirth because it is considered to be a pollutant.
In marriage and procreation, the man is expected to move to his wife’s village to settle there because the man does not own land to settle in, his sisters own the land. The man still pays brideprice for his wife. In the Trobriand Islands, the husband has to cultivate yams and make sure the wife’s family is fed and
satisfied and he must make yam gardens for his sister (see Weiner 1988). As for wealth, men in this non-aggressive model do not own land.
Men’s space and territory (like the men’s house) is their space, but they are not inhibited to share women’s space with them. They have a more shared living arrangement than the other three models. The division of labour is practiced where men do the outdoor work and women do the domestic work. In the Trobriands, men plant yams (see Weiner 1988). In the New Guinea Islands,35 cooking mumu is shared work where women prepare food and men grate coconut and chop wood for the fire to heat the stones.36
The non-aggressive model is mostly seen among the matrilineal societies. Men respect women because they own the land and can distribute material resources to their brothers. Yet even here, there are some paradoxical practices and beliefs where fluids passed from a woman’s body are still feared as pollutants for boys and men.
35 New Guinea Islands are the island provinces of PNG: East and West New Britain, Manus, New
Ireland and Bougainville.
36Mumu is food cooked in ground oven on hot stones. On the coast mumu is made with garden
Conclusion
The four models of patriarchy share most characteristics. The major differences between them are the different levels of aggression and violence in men and the degree of abjection of women in their society. Strong patriarchal practices have strict norms of segregation between men and women. The concept of abjection of women’s menstrual and child-birthing fluids is very strong and becomes part of training for male initiates. Men in the two models that are more egalitarian are still cautious of these, but are not as strict. All models strongly keep man’s space as ‘sacrosanct’, not to be contaminated by female presence. Decision-making, power and control are largely men’s functions. Rights of inheritance remain the right of men. Patriarchal dominance therefore permeates the whole PNG society even where matriarchal systems exist.
We are reliant, however, on western Anthropologists’ data for these typologies and, as has been noted, such data resonates with their own cultural
configurations which may explain the attention given to model one rather than model four!