Tight-­‐Binding ab initio

1. Tanzania

a. Socio-economic situation

The United Republic of Tanzania is an independent East African state which was established after the merging of Tanganyika and Zanzibar in

1961. Tanzania has an estimated population of 37 million people (2005).1

The country is poor, ranking 164 (out of 177) on the Human Development Index (see Table 3.1), and is flanked by other poor countries.

Table 3.1

Tanzania’s position in the Human Development Index in relation to neighbouring countries

Country H.D.I. ranking (out of 177)

Uganda 144 Kenya 154 Rwanda 159 Tanzania 164 Malawi 165 Zambia 166 Congo 167 Mozambique 168 Burundi 169  S O U R C E : U N I T E D N A T I O N S D E V E L O P M E N T R E P O R T 2 0 0 5 

Despite the impressive economic growth which Tanzania has showed over the last five years (5.8 %) and 6.7 % in 2004, the current economic fore- cast is quite gloomy. Dependency on donor money remains high (46% of the 2005-2006 budget), privatisation projects develop slowly, and approxi- mately 20% of the population earns less than one US dollar a day. Tanzania is still one of the least urbanised countries of Sub-Saharan Africa2

, and agri- culture continues to be the most important source of income (57 % of the GNP, but 82% of employment). This dependency on agriculture makes the country particularly vulnerable to changes in market prices. When the sisal market almost disappeared, the Tanga region was severely hit because the whole area depended on that single crop. Other important economic sec- tors are services (26%), building and mining (9%) and industry (8%). Coffee and cotton are the most exported products. Tourism is also an important revenue earner.

Positive developments are the emphasis on Universal Primary Educa- tion (UPE) and the subsequent increase in youth literacy rates (from 69.4% in 1980 to 91.6% in 2004), which is very good compared with other Sub- Saharan African countries.3

) The overall adult literacy rate, however, is less impressive and shows a significant gap between genders and place of resi- dence: more men than women are literate and the functional literary class is more often than not located in the urban areas. The decision that primary education should be provided in Swahili might have been helpful to achieve this increase in youth literacy rates (cf. Whiteley 1969). Further, Former Presi- dent Benjamin Mkapa reintroduced free primary education at government- owned schools (“Universal Primary Education”). However, most of the Tan- zanians with whom I discussed these topics, had only completed primary education and were disappointed that they do not speak English, like their Kenyan neighbours. The medium of instruction in higher education remains a sensitive issue.4

A high literacy rate in the national language, Swahili, cements the more than 100 ethnic groups together. The largest groups are the Sukuma, Nyamwezi, Swahili, Hehe, Bena and Makonde, but the most influential, best educated and overrepresented groups in the government are the Chagga and the Haya. Muslims point out that these groups are predominantly Chris- tian. Ethnic conflicts between the groups are very rare, which makes Tan- zania one of the most stable countries in East Africa. In fact, the Tanzanian media show some pride of the country’s mediating and intervening role in regional conflicts, reflecting something of the former pan-Africanist dreams of a united peaceful continent where Swahili is the hegemonic language.

In 1979, the Tanzanian army defeated the Ugandan dictator Idi Amin (1924- 2003). As of 1995, the Tanzanian state is hosting the International Crimi- nal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha and is stimulating peace talks in Burundi.

However, on the regional level major social problems are caused by the huge influx of refugees from Burundi and Rwanda in the west of Tanza- nia. Child abductions, robbery and manslaughter in these areas are attribut- ed to the refugee camps.5

When I travelled throughout that area of Tanzania, whenever the train stopped at small stations, thieves would literally attack the wagons, attempting to crawl in through every unprotected window. A substantial part of the market commodities offered for sale near Kigoma (buckets, clothes, sheets, blankets) bear the UN insignia.

Infrastructure is only good between the towns of Dar es Salaam, Tanga, Moshi and Arusha to the north, and Morogoro and Dodoma to the west, but stops short immediately after that. When in 2002 my wife and I travelled from Tanga to the northwest of the country we were advised to take the bus to Nairobi (Kenya) to avoid the bad or non-existing roads in Tanzania. There is a slow but regular train connection spanning the east (Dar es Salaam) and west (Kigoma). Unreliable connections between the Dar es Salaam region and the south frustrate economic development and create regional inequalities. The extent of the infrastructural vulnerability was demonstrated in 2002 when one of the bridges for the road from Dar es Salaam to Tanga simply disappeared in the swollen river. For several days after, most of the daily newspapers were not for sale in Tanga.

b. Modern political history

After the presence of the Portuguese (16th century) and the Omani

Arabs (17th –19th century), Germany colonised Tanganyika from 1885 -1890.6

Tanga, that lent its name to the territory (Tanganyika means ‘Tanga’s hinter- land’), played an important role in this process. Resistance against the Ger- mans started in the region South of Tanga when German soldiers invaded a mosque on the Idd el-Hajj (Tullemans 1982; Glassman 1995; but see Chande [1998:42] for a different date). The rebellion quickly spread but was violently extinguished by sheer military force. As a result, the town of Tanga was bom- barded in 1888 and was nearly totally destroyed. In Muslim discourse, the colonial period is seen as the starting point of a repressive regime by ‘the Christian system’ (mfumo kristo).

After defeating the Germans in World War I, the British took over in 1919. The movement that finally led to independence started in the 1940s,

with Muslims playing a large role (Said 1998). In 1954, Nyerere (1922-1999) founded the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU). With this new party (which was in fact the new name used to refer to the Tanganyika African Association founded in the 1920s) Nyerere won elections and, Tanganyika became independent in 1961.

The first president of Tanganyika was the Roman Catholic Julius Nyerere, who is remembered as Baba wa Taifa (father of the Nation) and Mwalimu (teacher). From 1961 to 1962 he was prime minister in the first government, followed by two years as president of Tanganyika. He held the presidential position of the United Republic of Tanzania (after the union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar) from 1964-1985. He founded the Chama cha Mapinduzi (CCM), a party resulting from the merger between TANU and the Afro Shirazi Party (ASP), which is still in power. He is well known for his 1967 Arusha declaration, which started a period of socialistic experi-

ments (Ujamaa). Dissident exiles and freedom fighters from Mozambique,

Congo, South Africa, Malawi and former Rhodesia found a home and train- ing-camps in Tanzania. This won him fame in the socialist world (particularly China and Russia) and in the Pan-Africanist movement (Thompson 1999:42- 44), but in general the outcome has been dramatic in terms of economic

development.7

Muslims are ambivalent towards Nyerere’s influence: on the one hand, they praise the free education which is available for all and his contribution towards independence, while on the other hand they feel that Muslims in particular suffered as a result of the deterioration of Tanzania’s development. They also blame Nyerere for abusing his presidential power in favour of the Catholic church.8

Sometimes this discourse takes the form of outright conspiracy theories: “We have also discovered that Mwalimu Nyerere entered into a contract with the British colonialists, that Tanganyika would be led by Catholics on behalf of Britain”, a Muslim leader is quoted as saying.9

When it became clear that the socialist experiment had failed, Nyerere voluntarily stepped down from office in 1985 and handed over the presi- dency to a supporter of free markets and liberal economics, Ali Hassan Mwinyi (born 1925). Mwinyi became known as Mzee Ruksa (Mister Permis- sion) because of his liberalisation politics; a more negative connotation of his nickname is the widespread corruption and tax evasion that took place during his reign. He introduced multiparty politics in 1992 which led to elec- tions being held in 1995. In Muslim discourse he is generally portrayed not only as the first Muslim president of Tanzania but also as a weak leader. Fur- thermore, he is blamed for not doing more for his marginalised co-believ-

ers. Even Muslims agree that the education system provided under Catholic president Nyerere was better than in Mwinyi’s era.

Tanzania’s third president (1995-2005) is Benjamin William Mkapa, who was born in 1938 and is a devout Lutheran. After a career as a journalist for the NationalistUhuru and the Daily News, he established the news agency

Shitata. Under Nyerere he became spokesperson (1974-76), and later on the minister of External Affairs, before being elected president. His spear points were: foreign investment, liberalisation and privatisation. Despite the oppo- sition’s fear that Mkapa would strive to achieve the ‘Sultanate’ by extend- ing the legal limitation of his 10-year period (as did the Ugandan president Museveni), in December 2005 he cleared the way for his successor, Jakaya

Kikwete (born 1950)10

He, again is a Muslim.

If modernity is understood as “a broad synonym for capitalism or industrialization” (Spencer 1996:378), then Tanzania is struggling to become a modern nation-state. The government is privatising large, unproductive parastatals, it has introduced VAT and generally complies with IMF guide- lines. Multiparty politics have lead to the official registration of 17 political parties (2002). However, the nation-state still encounters problems in the field of freedom of press and dealing with minorities. What is more, Muslims feel threatened by the unequal representation of Christians and Muslims in higher education and better paid jobs.

2. Tanga

Tanga is the name of one of Tanzania’s 26 regions (mkoa), one of 129

districts (wilaya) and, in the most restricted sense of the word, it is an urban centre (mji) situated near the Indian Ocean.11

Except when stated otherwise, I will use the name Tanga to refer to the town. This Tanzanian city lies on the north-eastern coast, close to the border with Kenya and is attractive for economic and logistical reasons: good roads connect the city with Dar es Salaam, Moshi and Arusha. Mombasa (Kenya) is also accessible although the road has some badly pot-holed stretches. The port provides work for many citizens and connects the town with other harbours across the Indian Ocean. During the period of fieldwork, the sisal trade had lost most of its importance for the region. According to the people I spoke with, they could not survive in the liberal market which favoured the more mechanised Ken- yan sisal industry. Consequently, the Tanga harbour operates far below its capacity and cannot function properly. Most ocean-steamers choose the better equipped deep-sea harbour near Mombasa. Tourism revenues have

all but disappeared: very few travellers between Arusha/Mombasa and Dar es Salaam choose to spend the night in one of the two tourist hotels located near the bus-station in order to visit Tanga’s major attraction, some caves at the near-by village of Amboni. Apart from trade, the education facilities (both religious and secular) attract many students from other regions. When I travelled through the country and talked to Qur’anic school-teachers, many could trace their religious pedigrees to one of the Tanga-based schools. Tan-

zania’s former mufti was born and educated in Tanga where many of his fam-

ily still live. More than Dar es Salaam, Tanga is perceived to be a Muslim town and the best place to order Islamic charms and amulets, as some mainland Muslims told me. However Tanga also has social problems associated with the declining ecnomic situation: for instance, many Tanga women work as

prostitutes on the islands of Zanzibar and Pemba.12

The social and ethnic constitution of the town is continuously chang- ing: civil servants move to other posts, retired traders return to their villages to continue farming among their loved ones, and new students arrive. The questionnaire distributed among Tanga students (Appendix I) revealed that most mothers work at home, are involved in informal labour (selling food,

etc.) and have a shamba (town/garden). Most men are involved in agricul-

ture, small-scale trade, or have a job as a civil servant. Studies on the social stratification of Swahili ‘stone towns’ (cf. el-Zein 1974) can certainly not be applied to Tanga. Stratification exists but is more along the lines of ethnic and economic status rather than the freeborn/slave friction lines described for other Swahili towns. The major ethnic group in my survey is Digo, fol- lowed by Sambaa, Zigua and Pare. Smaller groups consist of Segeju, Zara-

mo, Chagga and Bondei. These numbers are not per se representative of the

whole town. Chande (1998:51-67) mentions a different ethnic ranking for

Tanga: first Digo, followed by Bondei, Sambaa and Segeju. Inter-madrasa

conflicts take place between Segeju clans and to a lesser extent the Digo and Zigua are also involved.

Tanga is completely different from the well-known ‘stone towns’ of Lamu, Zanzibar and Mombasa, with their narrow alleys, carved doors and mysterious attractiveness. Perhaps more than any other Tanzanian town, Tanga still reflects the German influence of the late 19th century. The town of Tanga is a German-planned, colonial administrative and economic centre and the oldest buildings date from this period. Since the colonial era, Tanga and Dar es Salaam replaced earlier towns like Bagamoyo and Pangani. The colonisers not only connected the city with the Kilimanjaro area by a railway, but they also built the oldest state school in Tanzania (1892), and developed

the characteristic symmetrical street plan of the centre Ngamiani. The rail- way divides the town in two parts: the northern area with ocean view con- tains the former European buildings and here we still find the business cen- tre: banks, shops and post office. Following the coastal line to the east we find private clinics, car dealers, a swimming pool and the dwelling places of the rich. South of the railway we find a totally different image of Tanga. This area was designed by the Germans for the ‘blacks’ and ‘Africans’. Reflecting the view of the former colonisers, the area is also called ‘Uswahilini’ (place of the Swahilis).13

All Africans were removed from the northern European quarters and resettled in the southern part.

Nowadays, the Ngamiani area is the real heart of the town: here we find the new bus station, a market and most of the 180,000 urban inhabit- ants of Tanga. Many houses are shared by poor immigrants, such as Mar- yamu, the woman who appeared in the introduction to this book. Rent for a single room in Ngamiani commonly ranges from 4,000 to 7,000 Shilling (USD 4 to 7) a month. It is also in Ngamiani where I spent the better part of my fieldwork period and where I witnessed most of the sacrificial rituals

described in this book. All major mosques and madrasas are situated here

or in the area’s immediate periphery. The north-south and east-west orien- tation of the streets makes the mosques hardly recognisable at first glance (prayer direction is north). The street system also makes it easy to turn the street temporarily into a prayer area adjacent to the mosque during festivals

and Friday prayers. The religious processions (zafa) mostly circumambulate

this busy centre, and the joint madrasas’mawlid celebration takes place at

the Tangamano field close to the bus station. This field is also the centre of the Idd el-Hajj festival and hosts the Muslims when they pray, listen to the Idd sermon and sacrifice.

3. Islam in Tanzania

a. General

Muslims have settled for many centuries within the social, political

and physical environment of Tanzania and Tanga.14

Exact statistical evidence on contemporary religious groups in Tanzania does not exist. For almost four decades religion has been left out of every census, much to the Muslim population’s regret.15

The 1967 census counted 37% ‘Traditional Believers’, 32% ‘Christians’ and 30% ‘Muslims.’ Nowadays government sources as a rule- of-thumb assume that the population is divided between one third Muslims,

one third Christians and one third other religions on the mainland (van Ber-

gen 1981:64-65), but other estimations range from 25% to 65% Muslims.16

For Zanzibar, Islamic sources claim a population of close to 100% Muslims. It is clear that both monotheistic religions, Christianity and Islam grow fast at the expense of the so called Traditional African Religions, but who can claim the largest number of followers remains a sensitive issue.

Islam in the region has a long history. At some time between the year 830 (the foundation of the mosque on Pate Island) and 1332 (when traveller Ibn Battuta described the coastal inhabitants as Muslims), the new religion must have entered the area and established a firm foothold. Until German colonisation, Islam was mainly limited to the coast and caravan routes. The Arabian Peninsula and especially the Hadramaut are the main geographical areas exerting their influence on the religious and cultural system usually called ‘Swahili Islam’. The large Swahili-speaking diasporic community in Southern Arabia still produces a substantial part of the Islamic books sold in Tanzania (an example is the Omani author Said bin Abdullah Seif ‘l-Hatimy who published some 20 books for the Swahili market). With German occupa- tion, Swahili spread as a lingua franca throughout the administrative system and as the primary medium for formal school education, thus providing the possibility for Swahili to transcend its status as a ‘Muslim’ language. (Early Christian missionaries considered Swahili too Islamic to use it as a tool for transmitting the Gospel). The colonial period was also the start of the politi- calisation of Islamic groups (cf. Nimtz 1980; Chande 2000:359). Islam, as well as the emerging Swahili language, proved to be an integrating factor in the battle against the oppressors. The Maji-Maji war (1905-07) is a good exam- ple.

The British colonial system of ‘indirect rule’ favoured local chiefs rath- er than Muslims, and as a result the latter became more and more alienated from power. Education increasingly became to be associated with Christian missionaries creating fear and distrust among Muslim parents to send their children to school (cf. Kahumbi 1995). Subsequently this excluded Muslims from the better paid jobs, reinforcing the idea that Muslims were intention- ally marginalised by the Christian ruling powers. It is the British colonial era rather than the German period of occupation that Muslims identify as hav- ing been the most detrimental to their situation. The abolishment of the

kadhi’s office (Islamic court) in 1924 is generally believed to be an example of the British attitude towards Muslims.