TRANSMISIÓN DE CÓDIGOS QUE NO SON CÓDIGOS FUENTE

Basic infonnation about people and their daily lifestyle indicates their attempt to incorporate knowledge from the outside world to their traditional wisdom. Some aspects of modern ways, are selected to fit the villagers' lifestyle such as transportation and communication, various kinds of ready to eat food and drink, clothing and medicine. At the same time, the values of their traditions are regarded highly in order to maintain kin relationships in the family and the community. It appears relationships are necessary for community harmony as

well as health. Spirits remain the powerful centre for most harmonious relationships. While the villagers regard the witch-like spirit to be harmful, it appears to help social regulation.

Fieldwork data suggests beliefs and attitudes, in general, affect what villagers do when ill. The following chapter provides current knowledge about illness which probably affects experiences of contact with the outside world, especially the modern Western medical services.

CHAPTER ₆

BELIEFS ABOUT D...LNESS AND HEALING

6.1 INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, the discussion focuses on the villagers' understanding of illness,

based on subjective experiences. illness recognition is highlighted classifying different degrees of illness, and beliefs about multiple causation of illness. This chapter describes how multiple therapies, village healing and recently adopted Western ideas, are used based on village perceptions about illness.

6.2 ll..LNESS RECOGNITION

The following two extracts from the field notes illustrate how villagers recognised presenting symptoms which are perceived as unusual or different from what they normally feel, and might affect their ability to carry out usual activities. Symptoms can be recognised by the person, or by others.

" .. .It was last year that I felt painfUl in the right wrist. I noticed the

. protruding bone made the wrist swollen. It was very painful especially when I moved the wrist while I was removing the silk threads from the pot. It had been annoying me very muchfor many months. I could hardly make my hands grasp properly when I worked in the garden taking out weeds. I could not grasp the silk threads properly as I should. At first, I thought it might be because of the hard work I have done." (Mae Y ai TG, 6 December

1991)

" . . J went to collect the dried grasses for the cows and buffaloes, in my paddy field. When I was about to fill the second basket, I found my left hand could not grasp the bunch of grass. Itfelt numb and had less energy than the other hand. Then I knew something was wrong. I stopped picking the grass and went home to take some rest. I told my wife about this. She told me to go to sleep which is the best thing to do .... The next morning, when I woke up, I could not move my left arm. I felt pain in the upper arm. My wife went to call our relatives and neighbours to see me. " (Poh PM, 20

November 1991)

While adults are expected to recognise something is wrong within the body, ₍

among children, self-recognition of the presenting symptoms is not expected.

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The villagers believe children, especially those who have not been to school, do not know how to tell their feelings correctly. The mother or another person

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might be able to recognise the symptoms, especially changes in the child's general appearance or behaviour. Young adults, especially those who have just

left school, are expected to recognise any unusual feelings. As they do not have

much experience in telling the difference between the unusual feelings in their own body and those which normally happen, unusual feelings are always confIrmed or articulated by their elders. The young might be able to identify the dominant symptoms, but might not be able to give more detail. Most young adults would be accompanied by a parent, or another adults, to see a healer. The ability to recognise unusual symptoms and to identify their differences varies among villagers. High expectation of this ability is always given to old adults and other people who have more direct and indirect experience of illness. Information about unuseal symptoms, which might be relevant to any illn���, has to be shared with others. This enables a person and/or kin to identify the symptoms correctly and seek an appropriate therapy. Symptoms do not always represent the occurrence of illness or disease. Instead, the perceived cause of the persisting symptoms is the basis of explaining the illness situation of such

patients. An example is the case of Poh PO, cited below.

Case # 3: Poh PG

Poh PO (68) was taken to Khon Kaen Hospital when he had severe

abdominal pain. He was accompanied by kin and neighbours who travelled

in the same truck. Poh PG did not talk _{to the doctor in the examination}

room. The doctor requested his wife give information about his illness. His

father and his uncle were said, by kin and neighbours, to be the best persons

to give this information, because his wife was believed, not to be able to

give correct details of his disease of the abdomen. His wife had to ask for

more details and what should be told to the doctor, from his father and others.