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11 Thomas A Zimmermann, Negotiating the Review of WTO Dispute Settlement Understanding (London: Cameron May, 2006) at 168; Bryan Mercurio & Rebecca Laforgia,. The argument turns on the nature or true character of the WTO system - whether the WTO model today is a truly judicial model or still resembles a "diplomatic" model of trade dispute resolution. Friends of the WTO generally believe that behind these criticisms lies a tragic misunderstanding of what the WTO is and what it does.

In contrast, opponents of more transparency argue that the government-to-government nature of the WTO should be preserved. In any case, the fact that the WTO has moved towards adjudication, and looks like adjudication, does not do so in the strictest sense of the word. This is the reason why WTO dispute settlement is said to contain "sleep of the 'diplomatic model' of dispute settlement."28.

One of the issues debated from time to time has been the proposal that the WTO have "permanent" panelists. In the case of the WTO, the successful claimant, acting with the consent of other WTO members in the DSB, may enter. 52 WTO, Dispute Settlement Body, The United States' Contribution to Improving Dispute Settlement The WTO's Understanding of Transparency, WTO Document TN/DS/W/13, Special Sess, (2002) at 2, s II (“Open Meetings”), online: WTO.

The argument that some of the WTO's problems can be attributed to an absence of transparency in the way it handles disputes is therefore somewhat of a stretch.

Settling East Asian Trade Disputes

At the same time, the sheer amount of RTA activity in Asia in recent years has required greater familiarity with these East Asian countries. While East Asian countries have been involved in a large number of WTO disputes. Similarly, East Asian countries participating in the Geneva debate on reforming the WTO's dispute settlement agreement have shied away from proposals on systemic issues.

This clearly does not mean that East Asian countries will support current attempts by the European Union and the United States to make the WTO dispute settlement system more transparent. In the next section, we will see that the formation of bilateral free trade agreements between individual East Asian countries and countries such as the United States is quite another matter. In such cases, an individual East Asian country is more likely to accept a US treaty template, such as when negotiating with the United States.

We will see that in cases where East Asian countries such as Brunei and Singapore have participated in the creation of regional free trade agreements that (as with the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement) have not only potential regional relevance but also potential transcontinental reach. The conservative model within East Asia was abandoned in favor of a more cosmopolitan treaty model. 116 There are often significant differences even when comparing the FTAs ​​of a single East Asian country.

However, in none of these cases do we see an East Asian pattern emerging from the specific behavior of any East Asian nation. This is what makes ASEAN, which has also concluded FTAs ​​with China, Korea and Japan, and FTAs ​​with Australia and New Zealand, and its closed dispute settlement model so central to any serious study of behavior of the East Asian nations regional treaty. ASEAN, and the Korea-ASEAN FTAs ​​is what makes it possible to say that there is now a model within developing East Asia.

122 For the aforementioned reasons, deviations from the East Asian model in individual bilateral free trade agreements are not so important from a regional perspective. Ralph F Ives, “USSFTA: Personal Perspectives on Process and Outcome” in ibid, 123, 23 at 28. Transparency provisions are also likely to be a negotiating issue in East Asian countries' bilateral FTAs ​​with the European Union as the latter begins to negotiate more free trade agreements with East Asian countries. Until recently, the European Union has been slow to include East Asia in its free trade agreement negotiations, but at the time of writing this is changing rapidly as the European Union competes with the United States in the East Asian region.

ASEAN

Analytical Limitations of the “Cultural” Explanation

Many, if not most, of the East Asian nations we have discussed continued to resist both cosmopolitanism and its legal counterpart—namely, legal rules that would support, even increase, nongovernmental participation in WTO dispute proceedings. Office of the United States Trade Representative, Press Release, "USTR Ron Kirk Comments on Trans-Pacific Partnership Talks" (June 18, 2010), online: USTR. Chinese”, and other forms of cultural exceptionalism,163 and which is sometimes by accident or otherwise reminiscent of the “East Asian Values” debate of the 1990s.164.

But there is another way of looking at the contracting behavior of East Asian trading countries. When studying this kind of behavior, we find a growing acceptance of the importance of formal legal institutions in international economic relations and predictable legal rules. We also find a general rejection of cosmopolitics.165 While cultural critics offer some explanations for this rejection, they do not explain East Asia's willingness for third-party settlement, at least when it comes to trade disputes, and the region's widespread acceptance of the need for stable, predictable international legal rules.

164 Joanne R Bauer and Daniel A Bell, eds, East Asia's Human Rights Challenge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999); Daniel A Bell, East Meets West: Human Rights and Democracy in East Asia (Princeton, NJ: Princeton, 2000). 165 This conclusion is reinforced by the contrast of Asian comparative legal studies between the acceptance by some Asian nations of a "thin" (formalist) but not of a "thick". liberal) conception of the rule of law in their internal constitutional arrangements. Recent research on the emergence of Japanese "aggressive legalism"168 and, more recently, Chinese "aggressive legalism" (i.e., litigation) speaks to this shift.169 Aggressive legalism in the WTO by East Asian nations and strong rules-based and formalized dispute resolution mechanisms show that East Asian nations are not averse to cultural adaptation.

An East Asian view of how trade dispute settlement systems should be designed is slowly emerging. Democratic-inspired trade law scholarship and cultural explanations of the international legal behavior of the Southeast and Northeast Asian trading nations have failed to capture or prescribe East Asia's regional treaty behavior. Major East Asian (and Australasian) trading countries are democratic, with some of the newer democracies, such as Indonesia, showing an even more ardent popular commitment to democratic ideals.

East Asia now has a new, regional subspecies - an East Asian RTA dispute settlement model - following the successive conclusion of the China-ASEAN, Korea-ASEAN, and Japan-ASEAN FTAs, and the AANZFTA. Another way of describing what appears to be happening now in the area of ​​trade dispute settlement design in the East Asian region is that we have two models. What this means is that East Asia's transcontinental trading partners have a historic opportunity to influence the treaty behavior of the East Asian nations, and further the political morality of East Asia.

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