Manipulating the Soviet image in Francoist Spain: from Yves Delbars to Graham Greene

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(1)Constructing cultural identity, representing social power / edited by Cânâ Bilsel, Kim Esmark, Niyazi Kžzžlyürek, Ólafur Rastrick. - Pisa : Plus-Pisa University Press, 2010. – (Thematic work group. 2, Power and culture ; 5) 306 (21.) 1. Studi culturali I. Bilsel, Cânâ II. Esmark, Kim III. Kžzžlyürek, Niyazi IV. Rastrick, Ólafur CIP a cura del Sistema bibliotecario dell’Università di Pisa This volume is published thanks to the support of the Directorate General for Research of the European Commission, by the Sixth Framework Network of Excellence CLIOHRES.net under the contract CIT3-CT-2005-006164. The volume is solely the responsibility of the Network and the authors; the European Community cannot be held responsible for its contents or for any use which may be made of it.. Cover: Vassily Kandinsky (1866-1944), Square with Dots, 1913, Russian State Museum, St. Petersburg. © 1990 Photo Scala, Florence © 2010 by CLIOHRES.net The materials published as part of the CLIOHRES Project are the property of the CLIOHRES.net Consortium. They are available for study and use, provided that the source is clearly acknowledged. [email protected] - www.cliohres.net Published by Edizioni Plus – Pisa University Press Lungarno Pacinotti, 43 56126 Pisa Tel. 050 2212056 – Fax 050 2212945 [email protected] www.edizioniplus.it - Section “Biblioteca” Member of. ISBN: 978-88-8492-734-7 Linguistic editing Robert Collis Informatic editing Răzvan Adrian Marinescu Editorial assistance Viktoriya Kolp.

(2) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. From Yves Delbars to Graham Greene Mónica Olivares University of Alcalá. Abstract The chapter explores the validity of the widely accepted preconception that books on the Soviet Union were normally prohibited during Francoism (1939-1975). With this aim in mind, the study first concentrates on Le Vrai Staline [The Real Stalin] (1950) by Yves Delbars, a biography of the communist leader published in Spain in 1955. The book overtly describes the Soviet Union’s distinct political, social and economic features during Stalin’s lifetime; therefore, the reasons for publication seem quite enigmatic, and suggest examining the case. Secondly, the chapter investigates censors’ attitudes regarding the Soviet Union in a less overtly political publication, such as a narrative text. To this end, the chapter studies the particular case of The Third Man (1950) by Graham Greene. The British writer presents the Soviet Union as a country capable of pacific coexistence with other Allies of the Second World War at the end of the conflict. The censors allowed the importation of the book in 1951, although Graham Greene does not present a negative image of the communist country as the regime imposed. Consequently, the reasons for importation also require our attention. Thus, the central objective of the chapter is to discover in two different literary contexts whether the enemy’s identity was manipulated for political purposes so as to protect Spanish nationalism. Ser miembro de la red de excelencia CLIOHRES conlleva nuevos planteamientos a la hora de utilizar nuevas metodologías y fuentes de investigación que, sin duda, potencian y enriquecen los perfiles de los jóvenes investigadores europeos. De igual modo, estimula a explorar identidades lejanas y, en muchas ocasiones, ajenas a lo que tradicionalmente conocemos. De ahí que en este estudio se trate de analizar el singular hecho de que en 1955 la identidad del pueblo soviético llegara a los lectores españoles a través de la publicación de El verdadero Stalin (1950). Por ello, este capítulo examina este libro desde el punto de vista de la censura literaria franquista, analizando los expedientes abiertos en la Sección de Inspección de Libros y examinando las causas que favorecen su autorización. Con ello, este estudio intenta aportar un mayor entendimiento y aproximación sobre una biografía cuya publicación en España es un hecho en sí mismo trascendente y significativo, ya que cualquier.

(3) 32. Mónica Olivares. texto comunista era normalmente prohibido. En este contexto, enseguida surge otra cuestión a tener en cuenta a raíz de mi actual investigación doctoral sobre Graham Greene. El escritor británico dejó un gran legado de obras que reflejan al hombre sometido a algunos de los acontecimientos políticos más importantes que conformaron la historia del siglo XX. En concreto, en su novela El tercer hombre (1950) Graham Greene analiza el lado negativo del que es capaz el comportamiento humano después del desolador conflicto de la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A su vez, presenta with la Unión Soviética como un país que demuestra que el espíritu de convivencia con otros países aliados de la Segunda Guerra Mundial es posible al término del conflicto bélico. El tercer hombre fue importado en España en 1951, por lo que era plausible preguntarse cómo consiguió la autorización si al pueblo soviético no se le atribuye la imagen negativa promovida por la dictadura franquista. En definitiva, a través del estudio de El verdadero Stalin y El tercer hombre, dos textos de diferente naturaleza pero con la nación comunista como punto en común, se analiza si su identidad fue manipulada para proteger la identidad política española. De esta manera, con este capítulo se pretende la consecución de un importante objetivo a alcanzar: mirar al pasado de otras identidades para lograr una mejor capacidad de comprensión de nuestra propia historia. The world is not black and white. More like black and grey. Graham Greene. Introduction European citizens have to be aware of the extent to which literature has been used as a political tool in the course of our history1. In the case of Spanish history of literature studies, scholars have traditionally established how national culture interspersed in Spanish literature was harshly manipulated to construct Francoist political discourse2. Our study falls within a closely related field of research that mainly examines the extent to which foreign literature was manipulated by the Spanish censorship system3. However, guided by the CLIOHRES spirit, this research could not be focused on national history embedded in literature, rather the scope was broadened and the attention was turned to Europe. The Soviet Union quickly came to seem the best choice since it was interesting to analyze the validity of the widely accepted preconception that all books dealing with communism were banned during the Franco years. The journalist Yves Delbars – pseudonym of Nicolas Kossiakov – was singled out since he is credited with producing an objective account of the Soviet Union under Stalin’s rule in The Real Stalin (1950). This book was published in Spain in 1955, what seems quite striking and unusual, because it is clearly a communist text. Therefore, the first part of the chapter presents Yves Delbars who is generally regarded to have produced this thoroughly documented book with the authority of an expert historian. In fact, the Spanish press was so impressed by the quality of the historical sources he used that The Real Stalin was said to.

(4) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 33. be essential to get to know not only Stalin, but also to get a sharp insight into the Soviet regime4. What is important here is the fact that, contrary to what we might expect to have happened during Francoism, Stalin’s biography was printed. If censorship was always making efforts to keep communism far from the minds of citizens, it is strange that the book managed to be published. It seemed to me that the study would provide an enlightening glimpse at important facts that might have remained hidden. My research interest increased when I noted that different biographies of the Soviet leader were forbidden in the country before The Real Stalin was first published: Stalin (1931) by Essad-Bey, pseudonym of Lev Nussimbaum5, Portrait de Staline [Portrait of Stalin] (1940) by Victor Serge6 and Stalin (1952) by Nikolaus Basseches7. The other part of my study looks at Graham Greene, who exemplifies a very different angle from which to look at history and whose literary style is quite distant from Yves Delbars’ objectivism. In the circumscribed political context under consideration, I aimed to investigate whether the Soviet Union’s civic sense of coexistence described by Graham Greene in The Third Man (1950) was allowed, uninfluenced, to reach Spanish readers when the Franco’s regime allowed the book into the country in 1951. Among the first hypotheses considered to explain the censors’ authorizations of these two works, was that they had undergone manipulation. Hence, the main question addressed was whether the portrayal of Soviet identity had suffered any kind of misleading influence. In order to be able to answer this query, research was carried out on the basis of the official documents that are kept at the General Administration Archive in Alcalá de Henares, Madrid. The censors’ files regarding The Real Stalin and The Third Man were closely examined in order to find out whether there had been any intervention and whether it had left a trail.. Was it The Real Stalin ? First and foremost, when I turned my attention to the few history books on communist Europe published during Francoism, The Real Stalin came fully into focus. As has been previously noted, it was hard to comprehend how the text could have been printed. I attempted to discover what were the most significant characteristics that made this work different with respect to those that did not obtain political approval. To understand the process and its implications, I first had to scrutinize the authorities’ reports. I found that only two files had been created regarding the topic: file 4358-528 and file 7330-539. It quickly became apparent that the documentation was in itself interesting since it indicated that the procedures necessary to accomplish the publication were elaborate and frequently tangled. At first sight, the biographical text under consideration had some chance of approval. The first file brought out the fact that in 1952 the censor admitted that the text was written objectively and, what is more, he positively claimed that it was the work of a non-communist writer. Nevertheless, the translation was interrupted on the basis of the argument that the volume was not appropriate for Spain. The censor objected to Yves Delbars’ favourable description of Stalin’s personality and the communist project, because Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

(5) 34. Mónica Olivares. he feared that less literate citizens would be easily impressed. As a consequence, the decision to prohibit publication was finally announced. It seemed that the publisher, Caralt, had failed to carry out his plans, but circumstances were soon to change. At the end of the following year The Real Stalin aroused the curiosity of the publishing house, Ariel. I would like to draw the reader’s attention to the fact that a letter was enclosed together with the application form. That missive furnishes reliable evidence that Ariel was determined to do the utmost to convince censors that the book could, and should, be edited in Spain. To this end, the letter from Ariel strategically suggested that the writer’s objective style should not be so rapidly underestimated. As a matter of fact, it argued, the book could be used as an appropriate tool to fight the enemy. The letter added that it properly conveyed “the lack of scruples and cold cruelty that the monstrous Soviet regime was capable of ”. As can be seen, from the publisher’s point of view, ‘objectivity’ could be offered to the authorities as a useful instrument which could be reinterpreted and reused so as to pursue Franco’s determination to eradicate communism. Once the letter and the application form were received at the Censorship Office, the second file 7330-53 was opened and The Real Stalin was examined by two members. The first censor distinctly remembered and agreed with his colleague’s reasoning in the previous file 4358-52. Yet, it could also be observed that the second censor did not completely subscribe to the two preceding opinions. He insinuated that the writer did not hint at the glorification of the Soviet dictator. Neither did he conceal his admiration of Yves Delbars’ accurate narration of the Soviet political context. He especially praised the account of the conflicts inside the Communist Party. Nonetheless, it quickly became apparent that he could not go on speaking favourably about a book on communism and his counterarguments were immediately presented. He asserted that it was necessary to evaluate not only the historical facts the reader would encounter in the text, but also the communist history that had been omitted by the writer. In this respect, he objected that “the horrors that took place in the Communist Civil War” had not been recorded. Also, Yves Delbars was censured for not having mentioned the “extermination of the Bolshevik opposition”. Moreover, it was particularly regretted that the author did not pronounce himself clearly against communism. Publication was refused: that was the direct and logical consequence of these last unsupportive meditations. Notwithstanding this situation, and the shortcomings identified by the censors, Alejandro Argullós, the manager of Ariel, did not surrender. The official record brings to light that in July 1954 the publisher perspicaciously intertwined two further subtle strategies. First, Alejandro Argullós asked in astonishment why the translation process had been interrupted when, at that very moment, The Real Stalin was being published in instalments by the national newspaper “El correo catalán”. After what seemed a polite insinuation that the censors had not been very efficient, since they had not intervened in the case of the newspaper, he persuasively proposed to draft a prologue that would condemn the communist doctrine. Seemingly, it was a plausible plan that made it possible to retrieve the previously banned text10. The manager’s strategy succeeded: he was granted permission to publish but only if the translation was preceded by the proposed prologue. The only condition set out for.

(6) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 35. the prologue is worthy of notice, since it implied a request for a particular interpretation of ‘objectivity’. In the censor’s words, “it has to give the reader an exact view – which the book does not describe – of the anguishing communist reality and its methods”. Once the decision was transmitted to Alejandro Argullós, the preliminary text was sent in order to show that it contained the required ‘objective account’. The prologue was written by Claudio Colomer and centred on the idea that the expansion of communism was being advocated in some countries because Europe lacked faith in Western culture with Christian roots. With the aim of counteracting such a dangerous ideology, it was suggested that intellectuals should make an effort to create a theory with Christian inspiration with the aim of prevailing against the enemy doctrine at once. Curiously enough, twelve photos that gave an overall image of Russian life, mainly in Moscow and Leningrad, from diverse perspectives are included in the file 7330-53. In Alejandro Argullós’ words, the graphic information intended to make the communist threat more visible to the readers11. What is even more striking is the fact that the publisher voluntarily submitted that pack of photographs, since the file does not include any official document that testifies he had been required to do so. When the board of censors reviewed the material submitted, they did not engage in any political criticism of the images; nonetheless, the prologue was drastically rejected. It was alleged that it did not comply with the requirements that had been set. Claudio Colomer tried to alter the verdict and, once again, it became obvious that the official decisions were contradictory. He suggested that the text had been written according to the conversations he had held with the Director of the Censorship Office. He also reminded the censors that communist dangers were clearly exhibited in the pictures he had already sent for their judgement. In fact, he remarked, most captions had been intentionally conceived in such a way as to prove the moral and material misery that originated in the communist country. This dogged and consistent ‘defence’ of The Real Stalin succeeded, and the desired authorisation was obtained. How could these arguments be so convincing? I believe that Francoism recognized the power of history in forming social and political attitudes. Therefore, the censors may have thought that the publication was a more helpful strategy in a campaign against the enemy than just imposing a ban. In other words, The Real Stalin turned out to offer a timely opportunity for promoting prejudices and reinforcing negative stereotypes pertaining to the Soviet polity and people. What is more, the captions accompanying the photographs made disrespectful comments about the communist political agenda that was being implemented in Russia. I infer that a purposeful manipulation of the Soviets’ way of life was carried out, if we take into account that, according to Roland Barthes, the text that accompanies an image “suggests the proper way or reading, interpreting and judging the overall photograph by referring to the meaning a representation embedded in cultural codes and messages”12. To my mind, if a negative conception could be recreated, Franco’s regime would be better legitimated. Consequently, a careful analysis of the pictures and captions became absolutely essential for my investigation. Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

(7) 36. Mónica Olivares. At first sight, I observed that children and women were the protagonists of most photographs, while men were almost invisible. Therefore, in my view, the publisher was clearly trying to appeal to readers´ sensibility by representing the most vulnerable social groups as the people most affected by communist ideology. Then, it became increasing evident that a considerable emphasis was placed upon Russian society. Different photographs endeavoured to persuade the reader that the enemy had failed to undertake the communist social project. One of the captions, for instance, focused on the dominating political class that had emerged in the forty-year communist regime. It was interesting to note that, rather than directing an invective against the men who held power, the captions targeted their wives, subjecting them to criticism. They were reproached for their social behaviour, which was as “disgusting” as that of the bourgeois women so strongly criticised by communism13. Economy was another arena where the feminine gender was used to enhance negative opinions in the readers. Ariel chose an illustration with women to describe the communist economy as based on rural work, and added a caption that points out that they were working as slaves. It is evident that manipulation had been carried out on purpose, because in the original photograph sent by the publisher a completely different caption in French could be read: a group of women workers were cultivating tomatoes at a collective farm. Besides, criticism of communist policy on religion was not forgotten, and in this case the interior of an overcrowded church with an overwhelming female majority was displayed. If we did not have the caption, it would be quite difficult to figure out that the photo aimed at showing that the Soviet nation was an atheist collective. Accordingly, Ariel accompanied the photograph with a short explanation that reads: “Lenin’s dictatorship tried to wipe out faith by means of atheist propaganda, devoting temples to other ends”14. The image was thus utilised to make explicit the communist intolerance towards religion. However, it is surprising that we can also distinguish positive nuances relating to permissiveness toward religion in the passage that follows. It is reported that Stalin rectified his predecessor’s politics and let churches return to their original function. Since the caption also relates that Stalin’s successors fought against religiosity while respecting religious feelings, it could be thought that tolerance was also extended to them. While we would assume that the primary aim was to emphasize the fact that Soviet leaders campaigned for antireligious attitudes, on the other hand the photograph seems to depict a more tolerant attitude in terms of religion. Next is an illustration depicting a formally dressed boy standing in front of the camera. The caption in French of the original photograph sent by the publisher only makes a detailed description of the boy’s uniform. However, a slight modification and change of emphasis was implemented by Ariel in the Spanish caption: the two policemen standing behind the boy were brought into the spotlight instead. The new caption informs the reader that “the policemen’s inevitable coercive presence was at every corner of the immense Russia”. While the goal was to criticize the Soviet nation as fully as possible, I hypothesize that the Spanish reader could have interpreted the photograph differently..

(8) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 37. It was evident that the Spanish Civil Guards’ pervasive closeness was also felt everyday everywhere in the country. In this way, both Russian and Spanish security forces caused a similar sense of oppressive observation over the citizenry. I venture that those who designed the final captions did not realize that in trying to criticise the ‘enemy’s’ way of life they were showing similarities between Spain and Russia. In order to shed light on how the process was eventually completed, I carefully examined a printed copy of the Spanish edition of the book15. The introductory text and the illustrations with the corresponding captions were included. In addition certain differences emerged which could not be ignored insofar as they were highly significant for my study. First of all, more photographs were inserted to strengthen the atheist communist identity. Secondly, new illustrations were added to display a difficult historical moment in Russian history. Correspondingly, three related pictures were intended to illustrate the consequences of the “Bolshevik hell”. One of those photographs used the portrayal of a woman and, on this occasion, she was accompanied by her three little children16. The maternal dimension used, in my opinion, to manipulate the reader, arousing pity for the refugees while further emphasizing the negative aspects of communist reality. However, the depiction of that historical moment could also have elicited an emotional response linked with the national history, since many readers certainly could remember all those families that involuntarily abandoned their country as a result of the Spanish Civil War. The episodes were completely different, but the situations in the two countries coincided in one significant way: in a power struggle the effects on the population are the same, that is, despair and anguish caused by upheavals and imposed displacement. Another notably outstanding feature of the printed edition is that some of the photographs included in the file 7330-53 are cannily combined and contrasted so as to reaffirm the originally planned effects on the reader; at the same time, new impressions were being created. The picture of the bourgeois woman, for example, was juxtaposed with that of the working women. What is the hidden intention behind that contraposition? The caption specifies that it was disturbing that the so-called equality of the sexes brought about by Communist Revolution had led to debatable results. By combining the two photographs, I believe, Ariel easily introduced new negative impressions, particularly, the perception that communism had failed in two social fights: in abolishing class distinctions and gender inequality. However, once again, the publisher’s efforts may have been counterproductive, and in the end the opposite reaction could have been obtained. As I see it, the picture could also have inculcated the idea in female readers that teamwork was possible and common among Soviet women. This hypothesis is partly based on the research carried out by Ewelina Szpak who describes in detail the rural woman’s role in communist propaganda in Polish village life during Stalinism: In the 1950s a particularly popular image was that of a woman involved in the new public sphere of a producer’s or a state owned farm. A photographed woman often stands in a group of other females working in a PGR or involved in another form of agricultural work. Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

(9) 38. Mónica Olivares. The novelty of this image was the idea of competition and the system of teamwork, which motivated the women’s action. […] The new image of the women was intended to develop new expectations about the social roles of women and the conviction that the state was committed to improving the situation17.. As it had happened in Poland, why could not that image have a similar impact on Spanish women? One thing was what captions said, and another was the effect that image may have produced on each individual. Accordingly, while the overt intention was to indicate that communism failed to establish a egalitarian social status for women, what did Spanish female readers feel? I believe that they could have interpreted the photographs to indicate that their lives could mean more than just being committed to family care. This interpretation is reinforced by the fact that more pictures are included and portray women as active members of Russian society. In fact, women’s emancipation propaganda was indirectly transmitted and reinforced through the incorporation of the three photographs. The first displays women working as soldiers in a battalion18 and the second shows women as bricklayers working with men, shoulder to shoulder19. The last picture to be examined has a caption that explains: “Curious aspect of Russian life under communist regime: policewomen in Moscow in 1929”20. Such an image could be defined as ‘curious’ by the publisher, but for a Spanish woman it could have meant that, sooner or later, their social demands might be granted as was happening in Russia. All in all, The Real Stalin overcame the obstacles of censorship but, as has also been demonstrated, with a concomitant manipulation that should not be neglected – but whose effects may not have been those aimed for.. Graham Greene against stereotypes in the 20th century Graham Greene was credited for delving into the most crucial political conflicts of the 20th century21. Different forms of dictatorship that were originating all over the world came under his scrutiny, but Graham Greene’s irony was also directed particularly towards religious issues. To my mind, one of his most important literary achievements was that he knocked a hole in the wall of the ubiquitous religious stereotypes lingering on in Europe. In this respect, he put into question the stereotype of the perfect Catholic priest by creating the memorable whisky priest, a believer who gives up his celibacy and adores his daughter. Or the unforgettable case of the Catholic Henry Scobie who decides to commit suicide so as to resolve his personal dilemma. The writer also created a perfect explosive mixture between politics and religion that would have been inconceivable for pro-Franco minds. One of the clearest examples is Dr. Magiot’s comment in The Comedians (1966), when this character dares to lump together Catholicism and Communism in the same bag: “Catholics and Communists have committed great crimes, but at least they have not stood aside like an established society and being indifferent. I would rather have blood on my hands than water like Pilate”. More to the point with respect to the present study, I would like to draw the reader’s attention to.

(10) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 39. The Third Man (1950) and to the implications of the historical setting where the plot unfolds: Vienna during denazification at the end of the Second World War when the city was divided into four sections – those of the United States, the United Kingdom, France and the Soviet Union22. The communists were portrayed, therefore, as belonging to a nation capable of coexisting with the most powerful Allies of the conflict23. I expected that the censors would have raised objections to the novel when it was first introduced in Spain in 1951, in order to prevent the Spanish reader from having access to a positive image of the communist country. Nonetheless, the censor’s report shows that he found no politically subversive meaning24. To my mind, Graham Greene’s literary style was decisive in the verdict, since he brilliantly disguised a favourable discourse on the central role of the Soviet Union in the denazification of post-war Vienna in the form of adventures. In my view, this is of the utmost importance because if communism could not enter Spain directly in the form of history books – as happened with The Real Stalin and the others that were previously mentioned – Graham Greene made it possible not only in The Third Man, but also in other works such as Stamboul Train (1932), It’s A Battlefield (1934), The Power and the Glory (1940), The Quiet American (1955), The Comedians (1966), among others. He fictionalised historical facts and therefore readers might have been sceptical about his sources. In this respect, it seems that his works in general were well-documented: the scholar Fernando Galván argues that his books were based on reliable sources, so that his novels could be considered, to some extent, true historical documents25. It is clear that Graham Greene was not a historian, but it is important to point out that immediately after Spain became a democratic country, the literary critic Domingo Pérez Minik claimed that the nation needed a writer like Graham Greene to look back and report on Francoism as he had done masterfully with other countries with conflictual pasts26. I also completely agree with Fernando Galván when he suggests that Greene’s novels were not only reports, but the perfect interplay between the real and the spiritual27. As a matter of fact, Graham Greene presented all that is common to all of us independently from the country we live in or the political ideology we adopt: ‘the human factor’. Therefore, Graham Greene’s works may have enabled Spanish readers to find common elements beneath the obvious diversity. I may be in error, but it is tempting to hypothesize that, to a certain degree, finding this common ‘human factor’ was important for Spanish citizens when the national regime insisted on marking the differences with respect to communist enemies. This emotional side of history as recounted in literature should not be disregarded: it is not only providing facts, it is also a matter of making citizens know and feel what is involved in the course of our European history. In the case of Spain, while Franco controlled the image of communism, writers like Graham Greene probably managed to introduce an enemy image that was not as cruel as the authorities tried to make people think. All things considered, The Third Man gave the Spanish population the opportunity to meet a more friendly side of the Soviet Union than that presented by Franco’s regime. Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

(11) 40. Mónica Olivares. Conclusion The interaction between publisher and censors around the Spanish edition of The Real Stalin during the time of Franco shows that publishing a book on the ‘enemy’ might be considered more useful for the regime’s political purposes than just keeping it away from citizens. The subtlety of the manipulative process of visual and written language is noteworthy, because photographs and captions were intelligently added, combined and commented in such a natural way that they seem to have been included by the author, Yves Delbars. In fact, the pictures were introduced in the Spanish edition; it has been shown that children and women particularly were pictured, with the hope of intensifying the criticism of communism. But the efforts to build a negative image of the Soviet Union in order to protect Francoist nationhood may have back-fired: it has also been shown that opposite meanings might have been conveyed, because some photographs could also have been interpreted by the reader as portraying the enemy as a permissive country in terms of religion and gender. And, what I consider more important, the fact that so many photographs of women were included in the book suggests that gender was a key element in building the image of another nation. It has also been observed that The Real Stalin could have brought Spanish women a representation of a more equal society where women enjoyed the same rights as male Russian citizens. When I consider how Spanish citizens might have looked at another country while reflecting on their own, it seems advisable for the new citizens of Europe not to look at their own national history and culture as something independent, to be understood in the national context alone. It would rather be advisable for them to look their heritage in comparison and connection with that of other European countries. Without any doubt, that would be a more fruitful personal experience because Europeans would discover that they have more aspects in common than they think they have. Such an assessment regards not only common historical facts, but also the personal and collective experience behind history. And at that point, Graham Greene and the emotional side he reveals while he recounts a story come into play. It is worth considering that he travelled worldwide so that his writings could show readers the common human factors within the diverse societies he encountered: mainly, factors linked to the fear of death and human loneliness. The Third Man is one of Graham Greene’s best contributions; but also his literary production made a link between readers from Europe and the rest of the world and this was important for countries suffering from political repression in the 20th century. In this sense, when Spain was politically and culturally isolated, Graham Greene undoubtedly enriched the culture and knowledge of citizens by conveying a view of worldwide history although disguised in the form of adventure novels. In conclusion, my research has shown how Yves Delbars and Graham Greene were able to give Spanish citizens information that they were not usually able to get. Therefore, we invite today’s readers to look back and reflect on the implications that other writers’ literary works may have had in their own countries, just as those of Yves Delbars and Graham Greene had in Spain..

(12) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 41. Notes 1. Iceland is a notably representative example – as the CLIOHRES network has accurately demonstrated – that clearly exemplifies how the literary heritage can play a significant role in the formation of a national identity in the 20th century. For the construction of Icelandic national identity, see G. Hálfdanarson, Ó. Rastrick, Culture and the Construction of the Icelander in the 20th century, in A. Cimdiņa, J. Osmond (eds.), Hegemony, Interaction and Dissent, Pisa 2006, pp. 101-118.. 2. For a detailed compilation of national research on literary historiography, see M. Olivares, The Censorship of Literary Narrative in Franco’s Spain: an Historiographical Approach, in Cimdiņa, Osmond (eds.), Hegemony, Interaction and Dissent cit., pp. 119-130.. 3. G. Andrés has produced an inspiring work about the reception of Italian literature in this period. It is entitled La hora del lector: censura y traducción. Obras italianas durante el primer franquismo, in E. Ruiz (ed.), Tiempo de censura. La represión editorial durante el franquismo, Asturias 2008, pp. 173-196.. 4. J.R. Masoliver, El revés de la túnica, in “La Vanguardia Española”, 4 January 1956, p. 15.. 5. General Administration Archive, File 2842-45. Box (03)050SIG21/07672.. 6. General Administration Archive, File 3467-46. Box (03)050SIG21/07869.. 7. General Administration Archive, File 1568-54. Box (03)050SIG21/10676.. 8. General Administration Archive, Box (03)050SIG21/10024.. 9. General Administration Archive, Box (03)050SIG21/10562.. 10. I am aware of a similar case where censors considered the possibility of publishing a text on Marxism only if it was accompanied by a severe criticism. I am referring to The Meaning of Marxism (1948) by G.D.H. Cole, but the proposal did not go into effect and the book was prohibited. General Administration Archive, File 4567-65. Box (03)050SIG21/16354.. 11. The file 7330-53 contains the volume of the French edition of The Real Stalin, but curiously it is not illustrated, so Alejandro Argullós must have obtained the photographs from a different source. It is probable that they were taken in the mid-1950s, since the year 1955 is indicated in one of the captions sent by the manager.. 12. I found it useful to follow Ewelina Szpak’s analysis of the propagandist images of rural woman in Poland. This CLIOHRES member applied Roland Barthes’ methodology. The quotation has been taken from E. Szpak, Female Tractor Driver, Labour Heroine and Activist: Images of New Socialist Rural Women in the Polish Communist Press (1950-75), in S.G. Ellis, L. Klusáková (eds.), Imagining Frontiers, Contesting Identities, Pisa 2007, p. 416.. 13. For more information on the topic of the bourgeoisie in a communist country, see I. Bucur, C. Capota, Defining the Enemy: the Profile of the Bourgeoisie in Romanian Communist Textbooks, in Ellis, Klusáková (eds.), Imagining Frontiers, Contesting Identities cit., pp. 393-412. The authors describe minutely how the bourgeoisie was criticized in Romanian history books in order to implement and reinforce communism.. 14. The illustration n. XXVI was interpolated so as to make the antireligious campaign more evident. It can be found next to page 385.. 15. Y. Delbars, El verdadero Stalin, Barcelona 1955. From here on, all the illustrations and the pages mentioned correspond to this edition.. 16. Illustration no. XIV, p. 241.. 17. Szpak, Images of New Socialist Rural Women cit., p. 416.. 18. No. XIII, next to page 240.. 19. No. XV, next to page 256. Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

(13) 42. Mónica Olivares. 20. No. XLV, next to page 656.. 21. For the political dimension of Graham Greene’s works, see M. Couto, Graham Greene: On The Frontier, New York 1988.. 22. In 1945 the Potsdam Convention established that Vienna, under the supervision of the four countries mentioned in the main text, had to detach itself from the Nazi influence. This process is known as ‘denazification’.. 23. M.A. Martínez offers an exhaustive analysis of post-war Vienna in the film The Third Man (1949) by Carol Reed in her work Mito, cine, literatura. Laberinto y caos en El tercer hombre, Sevilla 2006, pp. 121-144.. 24. General Administration Archive, File 329-51, Box (03)050SIG21/09390.. 25. F. Galván, El americano tranquilo, de Graham Greene. (Traducción, edición, introducción y notas), Madrid 1987, p. 22.. 26. D. Pérez Minik, “El factor humano”, de Graham Greene, in “Ínsula”, 1979, 391, p. 7.. 27. Galván, El americano tranquilo cit., p. 23.. Bibliography Files Basseches N., Stalin, New York 1952; General Administration Archive, File 1568-54, Box (03)050SIG21/10676. Cole G.D.H., The Meaning of Marxism, Michigan 1948; General Administration Archive, File 4567-65, Box (03)050SIG 21/16354. Delbars Y., Le Vrai Staline, Paris 1950; General Administration Archive, File 4358-52, Box (03)050SIG21/10024; General Administration Archive, File 7330-53, Box (03)050SIG 21/10562. Greene G., The Third Man, London 1950; General Administration Archive, File 329-51, Box (03)050SIG21/09390. Nussimbaum L., Stalin, Berlin 1931; General Administration Archive, File 2842-45, Box (03)050SIG21/07672. Serge V., Portrait de Staline, Paris 1940; General Administration Archive, File 3467-46, Box (03)050SIG21/07869.. Secondary works Andrés G., La hora del lector: censura y traducción. Obras italianas durante el primer franquismo, in Ruiz E. (ed.), Tiempo de censura. La represión editorial durante el franquismo, Asturias 2008, pp. 173-196. Barthes R., Retoryka obrazu, in “Pamiętnik Literacki”, 1985, 3, pp. 289-302 [R. Barthes, L’Obvie et l’obtus, Paris 1982, pp. 25-42, chap. Rhétorique de l’image]. Bucur I., Capota C., Defining the Enemy: the Profile of the Bourgeoisie in Romanian Communist Textbooks, in Ellis S.G., Klusáková L. (eds.), Imagining Frontiers, Contesting Identities, Pisa 2007, pp. 393-412. Couto M., Graham Greene: On The Frontier, New York 1988. Galván F., El americano tranquilo, de Graham Greene. (Traducción, edición, introducción y notas), Madrid 1987. Hálfdanarson G., Rastrick Ó., Culture and the Construction of the Icelander in the 20th century, in Cimdiņa A., Osmond J. (eds.), Culture, Democracy and Dictatorship, Pisa 2006, pp. 101-118..

(14) Manipulating the Soviet Image in Francoist Spain. 43. Martínez M.A., Mito, cine, literatura. Laberinto y caos en El tercer hombre, Seville 2006. Masoliver J.R., El revés de la túnica, in “La Vanguardia Española”, 4 January 1956, p. 15. Olivares M., The Censorship of Literary Narrative in Franco’s Spain: an Historiographical Approach, in Cimdiņa A., Osmond J. (eds.), Hegemony, Interaction and Dissent, Pisa 2006, pp. 119-130. Pérez Minik D., “El factor humano”, de Graham Greene, in “Ínsula”, 1979, 391, p. 7. Szpak E., Female Tractor Driver, Labour Heroine and Activist: Images of New Socialist Rural Women in the Polish Communist Press (1950-75), in Ellis S.G., Klusáková L. (eds.), Frontier and Identities, Pisa 2007, pp. 413-429.. Making, Remodelling and Contesting Political Identities.

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