Wave of hope: African American youth use media and engage more civically, politically than whites

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(1)Howard Journal of Communications. ISSN: 1064-6175 (Print) 1096-4649 (Online) Journal homepage: http://www.tandfonline.com/loi/uhjc20. Wave of Hope: African American Youth Use Media and Engage More Civically, Politically Than Whites Dustin Harp , Ingrid Bachmann , Tania Cantrell Rosas-Moreno & Jaime Loke To cite this article: Dustin Harp , Ingrid Bachmann , Tania Cantrell Rosas-Moreno & Jaime Loke (2010) Wave of Hope: African American Youth Use Media and Engage More Civically, Politically Than Whites, Howard Journal of Communications, 21:3, 224-246, DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2010.496662 To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10646175.2010.496662. Published online: 05 Aug 2010.. Submit your article to this journal. Article views: 147. View related articles. Citing articles: 3 View citing articles. Full Terms & Conditions of access and use can be found at http://www.tandfonline.com/action/journalInformation?journalCode=uhjc20 Download by: [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile]. Date: 16 May 2016, At: 09:51.

(2) The Howard Journal of Communications, 21:224–246, 2010 Copyright # Taylor & Francis Group, LLC ISSN: 1064-6175 print=1096-4649 online DOI: 10.1080/10646175.2010.496662. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. Wave of Hope: African American Youth Use Media and Engage More Civically, Politically Than Whites DUSTIN HARP and INGRID BACHMANN School of Journalism, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, USA. TANIA CANTRELL ROSAS-MORENO Department of Communication, Loyola University Maryland, Baltimore, Maryland, USA. JAIME LOKE School of Journalism, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, Texas, USA. The study is based on a multi-wave panel survey on media use, and political and social attitudes among 12- to 17-year-olds. The results show that African Americans were more likely than Whites to engage in civic activities, politically participate in online and offline settings, take part in political consumerism, talk about news, follow the news, and demonstrate overall interest in news. This suggests that race is a complex, influential characteristic affecting youth behavior. The collection of the data presented here was undertaken by a consortium of communication and political science faculty from six major universities: University of Arkansas (Todd Shields and Robert Wicks), University of Kansas (David Perlmutter), University of Michigan (Erika Franklin Fowler) University of Missouri (Esther Thorson), University of Texas (Dustin Harp and Mark Tremayne), and University of Wisconsin (Barry Burden, Ken Goldstein, Hernando Rojas, and Dhavan Shah). Dhavan Shah organized scholars and served as the principal investigator for this survey panel. These researchers are grateful for the support received from the following sources: The Diane D. Blair Center of Southern Politics at the University of Arkansas; the William Allen White School of Journalism and Mass Communications and the Robert J. Dole Institute of Politics at the University of Kansas; the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Scholars in Health Policy Research Program at the University of Michigan; the Reynolds Journalism Institute at the University of Missouri; the University of Texas Office of the Vice President for Research; and the Hamel Faculty Fellowship, the Graduate School, and the Department of Political Science at the University of Wisconsin. Any opinions, findings, conclusions, or recommendations expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the supporting sources or participating faculty. An earlier version of this manuscript was presented at the Annual Meeting of the Asssociation for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication in Boston in 2009. Address correspondence to Dr. Dustin Harp, School of Journalism, University of Texas at Austin, 1 University Station A1000, Austin, TX 78712. E-mail: [email protected] 224.

(3) African American Youth Use of Media. 225. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. KEYTERMS civic engagement, media usage, political participation, race. The racial hegemony that subordinates African Americans in United States culture is alive and well. Statistical data illustrate this claim. Prior to President Barack Obama being elected to office, he was the only African American in the Senate. There have only been four Black governors in the history of the United States. Traditionally and unfortunately, African Americans in the spotlight have generally been associated with negative issues. For example, approximately 49% of prison inmates nationally are African American, though African Americans make up only 13% of the overall population (Mauer, 1999). African American women are much more likely to live in poverty (26.5%) than White women (9.1%), according to 2003 census data (Sinzdak & Williams, 2005). President Obama’s election as the first non-White man to be elected president of the United States, however, offers hope that racial injustices and inequalities might soon become a thing of the past. It seems that winds of change are increasing. For instance, the number of African American elected officials has increased from fewer than 500 in 1965 to more than 9,000 in 2000 (Bositis, 2003). News media are whispering of the possibility of better and broader perceptions of Black men, given that the commander-in-chief is Black (Hall & Miller, 2008). Early research is pointing to an Obama effect in academic performance, where race is disappearing as a factor affecting test-taking achievement between White and non-White young adults (Dillon, 2009). This information raises questions about the future of racial hegemony. Queries about the future, in turn, lead us to critically examine today’s youth who are tomorrow’s leaders and their political and civic engagement. A focus on media use of this new generation coincides with these inquires as well since media, both news and entertainment, are known to orient people into civic and political engagement (Mastin, 2000; Pasek, Kenski, Romer, & Jamieson, 2006). This research, based on a national survey of 12- to 17-year-olds, examines to what extent race influences teenagers’ political and civic engagement and media use. The research adds to a body of knowledge by examining young Americans who are not yet of voting age, as much of the research linking political and civic engagement and African Americans investigates young adults of voting age. This demographic is of particular interest, given recent lobbying to lower the national voting age (Lublin, 2009), like Austria, Brazil, and other nations have already done (Associated Press, 2008).. LITERATURE REVIEW The literature on adolescents’ reasons for political participation or civic engagement remains underdeveloped. Arguably, one of the reasons behind.

(4) 226. D. Harp et al.. this research dearth is adolescents’ ineligibility to vote. Given that voting is often used as the gauge for political participation, individuals who do not vote and ones who are not yet eligible to vote are consistently grouped together. However, much research conducted on political participation and civic engagement tries to pinpoint incentives or grounds for adult involvement.. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. Media Use and Participation Research evidence has long established the strong positive correlation between consuming news about public affairs and the political socialization process (e.g., Livingston & Markham, 2008; McCombs & Shaw, 1972; McLeod, Scheufele, & Moy, 1999). For example, obtaining hard news from the newspaper is one of the strongest predictors of political participation (Scheufele & Nisbet, 2003). Seeking and receiving information promotes civic participation particularly among young people (McLeod et al., 1999), because news provides people a basis to achieve a common goal and engage in collective action (Flanagin, Stohl, & Bimber, 2006; Shah & Gil de Zúñiga, 2008). Further, several media scholars have argued that media consumption, as well as interpersonal discussion and social networks are conducive to political participation (Scheufele & Nisbet, 2003; Scheufele & Shah, 2000; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001). By fostering interest in politics, as well as greater awareness of other viewpoints, media consumption also informs about options for involvement (Mutz, 2006). However, rarely do these cases focus on race as a determining factor in political participation or civic engagement (Hoffman & Appiah, 2008).. Race and Political Participation or Civic Engagement Researchers disagree on the role race plays in influencing an individual’s political participation or civic engagement. For example, Leighley and Vedlitz (1999) argued that race does not matter, whereas others (Abrahmson & Claggett, 1984; Musick, Wilson, & Bynum, 2000) have contended that race does correlate. For researchers who focus on race and argue that it does matter, the material theory (someone’s education and experience) and the psychological theory (a person’s sense of efficacy and civic duty and interest in politics) are used to explain African American political participation (Mastin, 2000). This theoretical perspective unique to African Americans notes that participation is more likely to occur for higher-status individuals who believe they ‘‘(a) have a stake in politics, (b) are efficacious, and (c) are politically aware’’ (Mastin, 2000, p. 117). Early theorizing from this perspective explained that Blacks, in comparison to Whites, are expected to be less politically active as they are ‘‘resource-poor’’ and lack political skills, an information base, levels of education, psychological attributes, and basic motivation compared.

(5) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. African American Youth Use of Media. 227. with their White counterparts (Tate, 1991). However, empirical research has shown that after controlling for differences in political resources, including civic skills, money, and time, African Americans are as likely or more likely to be politically active (Brady, Verba, & Lehman-Schlozman, 1995). Other researchers have theorized that descriptive representation (also known as symbolic or proportional representation) explains the political participation of African Americans. The logic behind descriptive representation is that Black voters respond more to Black constituents, activating an interest in political participation rates (Whitby, 2007). For example, Whitby (2007) found a positive association between African American officeholders and African American turnout levels. Griffin and Keane (2006), however, argued that the theory is conditional and should take into consideration various subgroups and the stakes for each. Furthermore, recent voting data has shown that African American youth are the racial=ethnic group most likely to vote in elections, though this has not remained stable over the decades (Tisch, 2008). Yet, African American politicians are still generally underrepresented in all areas of the national government. In 2009, out of the 100-member Senate in the United States there was only a single African-American representative (Sklar, 2010). This raises questions about opportunities, interests, and recruitment among African American youth. From the literature it seems that these youth are introduced to and socialized early on with regard to the importance of the political process. Could it be, then, that these youth not seeing their peers or people like them as public officials may hamper their involvement in the political and civic sphere? In other words, could the lack of Black leadership particularly at the top have discouraged their attempts, making them less politically and civically engaged than their White counterparts later on in life? This research considers the material and psychological theories and the theory of descriptive representation within the framework of African American youth who are not yet able to vote. We seek to understand how these youth might engage in civic and political activities in relation to other youth their age.. Teens and Political Participation Media use has been shown to be an important way people (including youth) gain political knowledge and other factors of psychological engagement relevant for the political socialization process (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995). Research has shown that parents play a major role in political socialization, strongly influencing—as one example—their children’s party affiliation (Calavita, 2004; Comstock & Scharrer, 2005; Hess & Torney, 1967; Hyman, 1959; Tedin, 1974). However, media have long been known to be an agent of influence in children and teens’ political knowledge.

(6) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. 228. D. Harp et al.. (Atkin, 1978; Chaffee, Ward, & Tipton, 1973; Drew & Reese, 1984; Drew & Reeves, 1980; Garramone, 1983; Rubin, 1978). ‘‘Young people learn about political figures, issues and elections by attending to media. That knowledge then facilitates political and civic engagement and participation’’ (Comstock & Scharrer, 2007, p. 253). The media, parent-child interactions, and civic education influence a youth’s party affiliation, political opinions, and his= her overall dispositions about the political sphere (Atkin, 1981; Comstock & Scharrer, 2005; McLeod, Eveland, & Horowitz, 1998; Smith & Ferguson, 1990). More recently, a study with a nationally representative sample of more than 1,500 14- to 22-year-olds, found that entertainment media are also associated with participation in community services and extracurricular activities (Pasek et al., 2006). The researchers concluded that news media use and entertainment media use (with the exception of very heavy television consumers) are factors that stimulate more active civic participation. Because media consumption also enables conversations about politics among family members, the media act as an exercise to extend family members’ opinions about political affiliation or occasionally as an agent of departure from family influence (Atkin & Gantz, 1978; Chaffee, Nass, & Yang, 1990; Hawkins, Pingree, & Roberts, 1975; Jackson-Beeck, 1979). Although parents’ political opinions influence their children’s opinions, it is often during adolescence that the child’s political knowledge and attitudes generally surpasses their parents’ political knowledge and attitudes (Niemi & Hepburn, 1995). Flanagan and Gallay (1995) found that if political socialization is expanded to encompass attitudes beyond simply politics but also issues about civic responsibility, social justice, and other public issues, the adolescent has a clearer understanding of his or her agency and forms a more independent voice from the parents’. The present research investigates youth 12 to 17 years old, during which time children might form ideas independent from their parents. Taking as a given the socialization effect of media on youth and the link between news and general media use and political and civic engagement, this research considers race in these various relationships.. Teens, Race, and Media Consumption Media consumption is an integral part of teenagers’ lives. From downloading movies from the Internet to texting friends, media is a dominant force in how teenagers are entertained, educated, enlightened, and enticed. Print media is still an important medium in today’s teenagers’ lives, but reading habits vary widely (Roberts & Foehr, 2004). For newspapers, 52% of the 12- to 18-year-olds surveyed read the sports section, 42% read their local news, 39% enjoyed the comics, 32% followed entertainment.

(7) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. African American Youth Use of Media. 229. news, 29% read the national news, and 28% read the horoscope or advice sections. Pardun and Scott (2004) explored the impact of race on newspaper readership among early adolescents in the United States and found that for the 10 newspaper sections examined, African Americans and Whites read them at significantly different rates. Four of the sections—local news, celebrity news, lifestyle, and entertainment—were more often read by African American teenagers, whereas international news, advice columns, horoscopes, and comics were more often read by Whites. This finding occurred, even though the children in this sample were from the same middle schools in the sample area, were exposed to the same curricula in school, and live in rural, city and suburban areas at relatively the same standard. In a later national representative survey conducted by Roberts, Foehr, and Rideout (2005), race did not play a role in the likelihood of the youth reading print media though gender did. The most indicative cause of the children’s likelihood of reading was the level of education of the child’s parent(s). The more educated the parents, the more time spent with all forms of print media. Young people whose parents were better educated read for longer periods of time as compared with those whose parents received less education (Roberts et al., 2005). Television still remains the most dominant form of media for America’s youth. It attracts a greater amount of daily attention with the single exception of audio media for 15- to 18-year-olds. Audio media is the only media form that increases in frequency of use among the ages of 8- to 18-year-olds (Roberts et al., 2005). Comstack and Scharrer (1999) found that teenagers’ exposure to daily television is barely three hours. Six years later, data collected by Roberts et al. demonstrated that the figure is still consistent. Other studies (Comstock, 1991; Comstock & Scharrer, 1999) illustrate that African American youth tend to devote more time watching television compared with Latino children. White children in comparison watch the least amount of television compared with their African American and Latino counterparts. African American teenagers are also more likely to have a television in their room (Nichols & Good, 2004). The data collected in 2005 by Roberts et al. (2005) supported the claim that African American and Latino youth watched more television and found that the same pattern extends to other forms of screen media (movies, DVDs) as well. The researchers ruled out parental education or household income as explanations of the time spent consuming screen media. Roberts et al. (2005) found ‘‘at each level of parent education and at each level of income . . . the pattern of African American kids reported the highest amount of TV exposure, Hispanic kids the second highest, and White kids the least, continue to hold’’ (p. 24). This finding is surprising, given that past media consumption studies have found a higher socioeconomic status is usually associated with lower television use, primarily when controlling for education levels (Brown,.

(8) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. 230. D. Harp et al.. Childers, Bauman, & Koch, 1990; Comstock, 1991; Comstock, Chaffee, Katzman, McCombs, & Roberts, 1978; Medrich, Roizen, Rubin, & Buckley, 1982; Roberts & Foehr, 2004; Schramm, Lyle, & Parker, 1962; Tangney & Feshback, 1988). Roberts et al. (2005) concluded that cultural norms or other unmeasured factors rather than socioeconomic status explained why children of color tended to spend more time watching television compared with White children. Interactive media (computer-based technologies) have permeated the media environment. The presence of a computer is becoming more of the norm in schools and in households across the United States. The use of a computer, however, is related to race, ethnicity, and socioeconomic status. While no significant differences in the amount of time spent once on the computer exist, White young people are more likely to use a computer every day compared with African Americans or Latinos. Race also differentiates what one does on the computer. African Americans are more likely to engage in instant messaging and less likely to play computer games. Despite the rapid adoption of computers in the home, parental education and income continue to be the two most influential predictors regarding computer usage (Roberts et al., 2005). Based on a national representative survey, Roberts et al. concluded that ‘‘a ‘digital divide’ continues to characterize computer access and use in the U.S.’’ (p. 23). Researchers have also found negative impacts from Internet usage associated with race. For example, Subrahmanyam and Greenfield (2008) merged results from numerous studies to examine adolescents’ relationships with friends, romantic partners, strangers, and their families in the context of their online communication activities. Those activities included blogging, social networking, and sites for sharing and downloading photos and videos. Although they found that teens find valuable support and information on Web sites, the researchers determined that teens can also encounter racism and hate messages. Further, their electronic communication may reinforce peer relationships at the expense of communication with parents. Similarly, Tynes, Reynolds, and Greenfield (2004) found in their study about race and ethnicity in teen chat rooms that racial or ethnic slurs were significantly more frequent in the unmonitored than in the monitored chat rooms. While most references had a neutral or positive valence in both chat rooms, chat participants had a 19% chance of being exposed to negative remarks about a racial or ethnic group (potentially their own) in monitored chat. That percentage rose to a 59% chance in unmonitored chat. The increasingly interactive and user-generated Web may have important consequences for (our) democracy, as new media features allow users to be more than merely consumers of content and become participatory citizens (Livingstone, 2004). Indeed, research evidence points out that Internet use has positive effects on citizens’ participatory levels in the political and civic realms (e.g., Livingstone, Bober, & Helsper, 2005; Shah, Cho, Eveland,.

(9) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. African American Youth Use of Media. 231. & Kwak, 2005; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001). In that sense, scholars have found that online news sources, just like traditional media consumption, have a positive and reinvigorating influence on the democratic process (Eveland & Dylko, 2007; Rojas, 2008; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001; Shah, Schmierbach, Hawkins, Espino, & Donovan, 2002). Furthermore, research on online content creation suggests that the Web has opened space for political re-engagement and even digital democracy (Correa, Willard Hinsley, & Gil de Zúñiga, 2010; Gil de Zúñiga, 2009; Tremayne, 2007). Given that news media use and content creation is particularly pervasive among young people (Correa, 2009; Jones & Fox, 2009; Lenhart, Horrigan & Farrows, 2004), they may particularly benefit from their positive influence in participatory activities, in both the online and the offline worlds.. RESEARCH QUESTIONS Whereas past research has consistently established the positive relationship between political interest, news media use and participation—at least when it comes to adults—the literature has paid less attention to racial differences, and little is known about those who are not yet old enough to cast a vote. Thus, considering the mixed results within the literature related to African Americans, political participation, civic engagement, youth, and media use, we considered the overarching question: Are there race differences in the relationship of media use and political attitudes among people age 12–17? More specifically, we posit the following: RQ1: What differences exist among African Americans and Whites ages 12 to 17 in terms of political interest, news interest, news media use and talk about news? RQ2: What differences exist among African Americans and Whites in how media use relates to offline political participation? RQ3: What differences exist among African Americans and Whites in how media use relates to online political participation? RQ4: What differences exist among African Americans and Whites in how media use relates to civic engagement? RQ5: What differences exist among African Americans and Whites in how media use relates to political consumerism?. METHODS This study uses data collected via a multi-wave panel survey. It examines media use and political and social attitudes among people age 12–17. Synovate, a reputable survey research firm that recruited participants from a pre-existing pool of respondent households, conducted the study via a stratified quota sampling procedure to achieve a representative pool of.

(10) 232. D. Harp et al.. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. respondents. For the current analyses, only data from the first wave of the survey were used. A questionnaire was mailed in May 2008 to a sample of 4,000 parents who had already filed general consent forms for their children to be surveyed. One parent and one child per household filled out the questionnaire. The final response rate was 32.2% (N ¼ 1,291 valid cases). The analysis examines racial differences in the respondents’ political and civic participation, as well as media use and interest in news. Several zero- and partial-order correlations and hierarchical regressions were used to assess the relationship among the variables and answer the research questions.. Control Variables This study was mostly concerned with the respondents’ ethnicity (80.9% White, 8.4% Black, and 10.6% other), and focused on comparison of White adolescents (n ¼ 1,044) and their African American counterparts (n ¼ 104). Thus, the non-Black minorities were dropped from the analysis. In addition, two traditional demographic variables were used as controls in the regression models: respondents’ gender (49.5% female) and household income (measured on a 15-point scale in which the median was $50,000–$59,999).. Independent Variables The analysis focuses on whether these adolescents’ ethnicity influences how much they participate in their communities, and the extent of their media use. However, we also tested the differing impact of their news interest and political interests. To measure these concepts, four independent variables were created, based in part on past research on adults (see, e.g., Gil de Zúñiga, 2009; Shah, Cho, Eveland, & Kwak, 2005; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001), that has shown that the positive impact of news use and interpersonal discussions on participation: political interest, news interest, news media use, and talk about news. Political interest was computed as an additive scale of two items (interest in the presidential campaign and interested in politics, measured with a 5-point scale; Cronbach’s a ¼ .87). News interest was computed from 10 items that used a 4-point scale to measure how closely, if so, the respondent’s followed news about ‘‘the candidates for the 2008 presidential election,’’ ‘‘the current situation and events in Iraq,’’ ‘‘celebrities and the entertainment industry,’’ ‘‘environmental issues,’’ ‘‘the condition of the U.S. economy,’’ ‘‘college and professional sports,’’ ‘‘computers and technology,’’ ‘‘health and medicine,’’ ‘‘local government and community issues,’’ and ‘‘crime in [their] area’’ (Cronbach’s a ¼ .87). The respondents’ news media use stems from 17 items regarding the frequency—number of days per week—of their.

(11) African American Youth Use of Media. 233. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. consumption of different media outlets, either online or offline, such as the national and local newspapers, the school newspaper, news magazines, TV news shows, news programming on NPR and cable TV news shows (Cronbach’s a ¼ .80). Finally, talk about news was computed from four items measuring on an 8-point scale how often the respondents ‘‘talked about news and current events with family members,’’ ‘‘with friends,’’ ‘‘with adults outside of family,’’ and ‘‘with people who disagree with [them]’’ (Cronbach’s a ¼ .89).. Dependent Variables The primary concern with this study was with respondents’ political participation, going beyond the traditional act of casting a vote. More recent definitions have expanded the notions of participation to include all kinds of activities done by citizens with the direct goal of influencing political outcomes (see, e.g., Brady, 1999). In a likely manner, civic engagement includes activities addressing community affairs that are voluntary and without financial compensation (see Verba et al., 1995). Thus, to fully gauge the concept of participation, several dependent variables were computed, in part informed from past literature (e.g., Gil de Zúñiga, 2009; Gil de Zúñiga, Puig-I-Arbil & Rojas, 2009; Shah et al., 2005; Shah, McLeod, & Yoon, 2001), but also taking into consideration that the respondents were minors who could not engage in certain activities. Thus, the variables are based on self-reported actual behavior. The variables are offline political participation, online political participation, civic engagement, and political consumerism. Offline political participation measures traditional political participation activities. It was based on survey items asking respondents whether in the past six months they ‘‘had contributed money to a campaign,’’ ‘‘attended a political meeting or rally,’’ ‘‘worked for a political party,’’ ‘‘displayed a political campaign button or sticker,’’ or ‘‘participated in a political protest’’. The answers were in frequency scale from 1 (not at all) to 8 (all the time). The variable was computed as an additive scale that included all these measures (Cronbach’s a ¼ .87). Online political participation measures non-traditional participation through online communication and involvement. It stems from a series of items asking respondents whether or not they had in the past six months ‘‘read comments posted by readers on a news Web site or political blog,’’ ‘‘posted comments on a news Web site or political blog,’’ ‘‘exchanged political emails with friends and family,’’ forwarded the link to a political video or news article,’’ ‘‘received a link to a political video or news article,’’ ‘‘sent or received a text message about politics,’’ ‘‘watched video news stories online,’’ and ‘‘watched political=candidate videos online.’’ All of these activities were measured on an eight-point scale, going from 1 (not at all) to 8 (all the time)..

(12) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. 234. D. Harp et al.. The variable was computed as an additive scale that included all these measures (Cronbach’s a ¼ .90). Civic engagement was computed as an additive scale of three items measured on an 8-point frequency scale (the items, referring to activities in the last six months, were the following: ‘‘Raised money for a charitable cause,’’ ‘‘did volunteer work,’’ ‘‘worked on a community project’’; Cronbach’s a ¼ .85). This variable followed the example of Gil de Zúñiga (2009) and Bachmann, Correa, and Gil de Zúñiga (2010) but could not include items that were not really an option for minors, such as attending a PTA meeting. This helps explain why only three items were used. Political consumerism was computed as an additive scale of another two items, referring to either boycotting or ‘‘buycotting’’ products because of the values of the company that produced them, going from 1 (not at all) to 8 (all the time) (Cronbach’s a ¼ .78).1. RESULTS In general, the respondents of all races reported being interested in politics (M ¼ 5.5, SD ¼ 2.22) and in news (M ¼ 21.41, SD ¼ 6.19), as well as being engaged in their communities (M ¼ 9.52, SD ¼ 6.19) and politically active (M ¼ 13.53, SD ¼ 3.45). However, ethnicity consistently proved to make a difference when it came to these adolescents’ political interest (F ¼ 3.390, df ¼ 2, p < .05, analysis of variance [ANOVA]), news interest (F ¼ 12.117, df ¼ 2, p < .001, ANOVA), and talk about news (F ¼ 3.624, df ¼ 2, p < .05, ANOVA), as well as offline and online political participation (F ¼ 28.836, df ¼ 2, p < .001 and F ¼ 33.033, df ¼ 2, p < .001, respectively, ANOVA), political consumerism (F ¼ 12.055, df ¼ 2, p < .001, ANOVA), and civic engagement (F ¼ 2.788, df ¼ 2, p < .10, ANOVA). More precisely, African American respondents consistently scored higher than the two other racial minority groups in several of the scales used in the analyses. For instance—and thus answering RQ1—a comparison with the White adolescents shows that African Americans scored higher in terms of interest in politics (Blacks: M ¼ 6.00, SD ¼ 2.25; Whites: M ¼ 5.46, SD ¼ 2.19), news interest (Blacks: M ¼ 24.20, SD ¼ 6.95; Whites: M ¼ 21.07, SD ¼ 5.93), news media use (Blacks: M ¼ 18.84, SD ¼ 18.80; Whites: M ¼ 13.13, SD ¼ 11.61), and talk about news (Blacks: M ¼ 16.90, SD ¼ 7.51; Whites: M ¼ 14.10, SD ¼ 7.31). That is also the case with political participation (Blacks: M ¼ 11.51, SD ¼ 9.61; Whites: M ¼ 7.56, SD ¼ 4.28), and civic engagement (Blacks: M ¼ 10.53, SD ¼ 6.72; Whites: M ¼ 9.55, SD ¼ 6.12). In addition, and consistently with past research, for both ethnic groups there was a significant positive correlation between political interest, news media use, and participation in the political and civic arenas. Table 1 summarizes the correlations amongst the dependent and independent variables.

(13) 235. .292 .524 — .432 .335. .412 — .522 .518 .205 .310 .228 .218. — .410 .294 .484 .229. .295. .239 .186. .246 .239. .371. News media use. News interest. Political interest. .350 .314. .397. .452 .521 .431 — .295. Talk about news. .318 .382. .622. .204 .211 .344 .286 —. Offline political participation. .251 .403. —. .289 .317 .382 .396 .611. Online political participation. — .284. .248. .239 .254 .246 .375 .309. Civic engagement. .296 —. .401. .182 .238 .232 .322 .375. Political consumerism. Notes. N ¼ 988; df ¼ 858 (for partial correlations). Table top diagonal: Zero-order correlations. Table bottom diagonal: Partial-order correlations (controlling for gender and income). p < .001.. Political interest News interest News media use Talk about news Offline political participation Online political participation Civic engagement Political consumerism. Variable. TABLE 1 Correlations Among Variables for White Respondents.. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016.

(14) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. 236. D. Harp et al.. for the subgroup of White respondents. For instance, political interest was positively correlated with offline political participation (r ¼ .204, p < .001), online political participation (r ¼ .289, p < .001), civic engagement (r ¼ .239, p < .001), and political consumerism (r ¼ .182, p < .001). Likewise, talking about news with friends, families and other people is also positively correlated with offline political participation (r ¼ .286, p < .001), online political participation (r ¼ .396, p < .001), civic engagement (r ¼ .375, p < .001), and political consumerism (r ¼ .322, p < .001). The analyses run to answer the other research questions show that, in comparison, the zero-order and partial-order correlations in the case of the African American subgroup were stronger (see Table 2). For example, African Americans respondents’ news media use was positively and moderately correlated with their offline political participation (r ¼ .602, p < .001) and online political participation (r ¼ .686, p < .001). It was also strongly correlated with civic engagement (r ¼ .492, p < .001) and political consumerism (r ¼ .401, p < .001). Along with African Americans’ news media use, political interest, news interest and talking about news had similar positive and significant correlations, ranging from .454 to .686, all of them at the p < .001 level. The results hold even after controlling for gender and income. Furthermore, the correlations for the African American adolescents are not only higher but also significantly stronger. Comparisons of each pair of correlational data between both subgroups as standardized scores reveal that the differences are all statistically significant (at either the p < .05 or the p < .01 level). Accordingly, the comparison of the zero-order correlations between news media use and civic engagement from Whites and Blacks (z ¼ 2.72, p < .01), or between political interest and political consumerism (z ¼ 2.65, p < .01) further cements the idea that the strengths of these correlations is stronger for African American respondents. Only the zero-order and partial-order correlation between political interest and talk about news was higher among White respondents than for African Americans. Arguably, these respondents were witnessing the first viable presidential bid from an African American, which may have impacted their interest in news and politics, and encouraged them to increase their participation in political activities. However, the results hold even after controlling for the respondents’ favorable impression of Obama. In other words, these adolescents are politically active and interested in news regardless of their being more likely than the other ethnicities to have a very favorable impression of Barack Obama. A series of regressions were run to further analyze these results and offer a clearer picture in answering RQ2 through RQ5. First, a hierarchical regression about offline political participation included the control variables, after which the political interest variable was introduced in the second block, and the variables regarding news media were introduced in the third block. As Table 3 shows, in the case of African American adolescents, the first.

(15) 237. .361 .567 — .473 .557. .546 — .598 .556 .408 .482 .419 .415. — .543 .363 .320 .410. .489. .404 .436. .463 .443. .636. News media use. News interest. Political interest. .498 .455. .527. .317 .532 .486 — .451. Talk about news. .556 .553. .746. .428 .464 .602 .487 —. Offline political participation. .631 .548. —. .506 .509 .686 .541 .781. Online political participation. — .459. .637. .394 .454 .492 .505 .523. Civic engagement. .475 —. .609. .433 .457 .491 .476 .621. Political consumerism. Notes. N ¼ 102; df ¼ 88 (for partial correlations). Table top diagonal: Zero-order correlations. Table bottom diagonal: Partial-order correlations. (controlling for gender and income). p < .01. p < .001.. Political interest News interest News media use Talk about news Offline political participation Online political participation Civic engagement Political consumerism. Variable. TABLE 2 Correlations Among Variables for African American Respondents.. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016.

(16) 238 .214 .158 .038 .367 .222 .201 .406. .052 .262 .161 .093 .146. .115 .191 .048. .094 .051. .031 .004 .002. .024 .224 .232 .125 .217. .115 .090. .006 .016 .003. .102 .465 .269 .291 .548. .282 .226. .034 .141# .032. Black adolescents. White adolescents. Black adolescents. White adolescents. Notes. N: 872 Whites, 92 Blacks. Cell entries are standardized Beta coefficients. # p < .10. p < .05. p < .01. p < .001.. Demographics Gender (female) Income R2 Political interest Political interest R2 change News variables News interest News media use Talk about News R2 change Total R2. Variable. Online political participation. Offline political participation. .004 .108 .265 .081 .165. .077 .056. .110 .072 .027. White adolescents. .009 .241 .302 .181 .372. .224 .166. .041 .128 .024. Black adolescents. Civic engagement. TABLE 3 Hierarchical Regressions Predicting Political Participation, Civic Engagement, and Political Consumerism.. Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. .029 .120 .236 .080 .124. .024 .033. .068 .032 .011. White adolescents. .020 .199# .264 .140 .343. .270 .191. .017 .071 .012. Black adolescents. Political consumerism.

(17) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. African American Youth Use of Media. 239. model explained 4.8% of the variance of offline political participation, with political interest accounting for 15.8% of incremental variance and the news variables accounting for an additional 20.1%. Thus, their interest in politics contributed positively and significantly to their offline political participation (ß ¼ .214, p < .05), and more so to their news media use (ß ¼ .367, p < .001), and their talk about news (ß ¼ .222, p < .05). In comparison, the overall regression explained 14.6% of the variance of offline political participation in White adolescents. Political interest, in this case, had a small but positive contribution (ß ¼ .094, p < .05), as well as news media use (ß ¼ .262, p < .001) and talk about news (ß ¼ .161, p < .01). In other words, the Beta coefficients were consistently lower in the case of White adolescents, and the model had less variance to account for. Therefore, while among White adolescents the independent variables also contributed positively and significantly to predict offline political participation, it was a smaller contribution. Furthermore, similar models for online political participation, civic engagement, and political consumerism had analogous results, both in terms of variance and standardized coefficients (see Table 3). This reinforces the idea that for African American teens the relevance and the impact of being politically interested, using news media and talking about politics is much greater than in their White counterparts.. DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSION These research results consistently demonstrate that African American adolescents were more likely to engage in civic activities, politically participate in online and offline settings, and take part in political consumerism, or both boycott and ‘‘buy’’cott. Regarding their media habits, African American adolescents were also more likely to talk about news, follow the news, and demonstrate overall interest in news. These findings are important and interesting primarily because of their consistency. They demonstrate an even greater need to focus on racial differences within media participation as well as civic engagement and political participation. Considering the current mixed, inconclusive climate of racial studies in these areas (Abrahmson & Claggett, 1984; Leighley & Vedlitz, 1999; Musick et al., 2000), the need to consider race as more than a demographic control variable rises (Hoffman & Appiah, 2008). This is particularly critical given the overall changing demographics of the United States. Race is a complex, influential characteristic affecting at least youth behavior. Our study challenges the psychological and material theories’ argument that African Americans tend to be resource poor (Mastin, 2000), and this contributes to the fact that they have been less politically engaged than.

(18) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. 240. D. Harp et al.. Whites. Our study, in controlling for gender and particularly for income, demonstrates a complex, nuanced relationship between race and political interest at a very important age, among other findings. That age is critical, because adolescence sets the stage for the acquisition of civic skills and the development of civic engagement (Plutzer & Sandell, 2005). Further, it is prior to legal or recognized forms of political participation (i.e., voting; Comstock & Scharrer, 2007), although the age at which that may change continues to be under debate (see, e.g., Lublin, 2009; Associated Press, 2008). In addition, whereas in previous research studies income, along with socioeconomic status, has been considered the blanket concept to explain differences in political interest, political participation, and so on, we have found that it is rudimentary; income is not as important an indictor as previous studies have argued. This study shows that media use, along with political interest and even talking and=or discussing news, are much more explanatory than SES. We also argue that possibly the lack of African American representation in American politics is a likely determinant as to why African Americans are not thought to be as politically interested or engaged as Whites are (Bositis, 2003; Whitby, 2007). Though, as stated previously, African American voting rates have not remained stable. Somewhere, somehow, a huge disconnect is occurring. Again, the consistency of our results shows that not only is race a helpful way to make sense of differences in political interest as well as media use, but race is rudimentarily the differentiator in this regard between African American and White youth, with Black youth being more active. However, research regarding African American adult media interest and civic and political participation points out the adult participation rates are low. Could it be that this adolescent energy—adolescence, rather than adulthood, being the age of discovery and period during which political views are formed—is new or generational, given low adult African American interests? Although the survey was performed in May 2008 prior to Barack Obama’s election, Obama’s candidacy was the first viable run for an African American male to become president of the United States. His success generated an unprecedented wave of hope among Americans, largely because of the depressed political climate inclusive of the Iraq War and struggling economy. We posit that the 2008 presidential election has had an Obama effect (Dobbs, 2008) within the nation. While we cannot attribute the racial differences solely to an Obama effect, it is arguable that the Obama effect has had a strong effect among African American youth and their media interest, civic engagement, and political participation. It will be necessary to study what will happen in the future: Will this rising generation of media-interested, civically and politically active youth continue their behavior, perhaps increasing African American voting numbers and even running for office? Or, is this election an isolated instance, an outlier?.

(19) Downloaded by [Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile] at 09:51 16 May 2016. African American Youth Use of Media. 241. This study raises the question of what doors are opening for African Americans to be engaged and politically active. Is the Obama Effect a sign of change that, over time, could lead to a fading of racial hegemony? Our study has shown that Black Americans are demonstrating the wherewithal to be more civically engaged; they have the will, but perhaps not necessarily access to the way. What can be done to capitalize on this wave of hope, to empower African Americans to continue to be more politically active? Given this circumstance, will media content also transition? For example, mainstream media products have been tailored to a White, upper-class population over time (Heider, 2000). Assuming that change is occurring in audiences nationally, will the media adjust to better fulfill the information needs of this population? Will mainstream media pay attention to the developing niche media markets, and tap into this audience to stay its further collapse? This study is an exploration into the media interests, civic engagement, and political participation of a nationally representative sample of adolescents, but it may have a number of limitations. Although our focus is on racial differences, minorities represented less than 20% of the valid responses and African Americans comprise less than 10% of respondents. We recognize that while enough cases to run valid statistical tests exist, the sample is small enough to be cautious in generalizing to the entire African American population. Nonetheless, the evidence is conclusive and internally consistent enough to raise important, timely, and interesting questions regarding the intricacy of race, beyond what previous research has suggested. That said, this analysis juxtaposes evidence that Black youth media interest and civic and political engagement are high with perceptions of how and why Black adult media interests and civic and political engagement participation are low. It spotlights a perhaps previously unnoticed discrepancy between African American youth and African American adult behaviors, at least as it has been theoretically perceived and researched. Hence, this research challenges current communication research and theory regarding African American adult media interest as well as their civic and political engagement. Future studies need to consider and flesh out the connections among race and media use along with political participation as a more complex, less understood phenomenon. As Obama continues in his presidency, the opportunity to concurrently investigate changes in racial groups’ media use along with the media landscape is timely and rich. Methods to include in this investigation should consider in-depth interviews with various African American youth along with longitudinal studies to gauge whether or not this trend will persist..

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