Urban identity_Lalli.pdf

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Journal of Environmental Psychology (1992) 12, 285-303 0272-4944/92/040285+19508.00/0 @1992 Academic Press Ltd

ENVIKONMENTAL

.PNYCHOLO Y

URBAN-RELATED IDENTITY: THEORY, MEASUREMENT,

AND EMPIRICAL FINDINGS

MARCO LALLI 1

Psychological Institute, Technical University of Darmstadt, Germany

A b s t r a c t

On the basis of a critical literature review, the following problems are seen to characterize the psychological research on 'place identity': heterogeneity of terms and their spatial extension, differing theoretical foundations and fragmented formulations, lack of adequate measuring instruments, and a scarcity of empirical work. This paper aims firstly, to present a systematic analysis of the theoretical traditions of the work on 'place identity'. Secondly, it uses constructs of medium range in order to systematize theory and research. An example of the latter is presented with respect to urban-related identity. A framework for conceptualizing urban-related identity and identification is developed on the basis of social psychological work on self-concept. The second part introduces a measuring instrument (the 'Urban Identity Scale'), which offers an empirically useful operationalization of the theoretical considerations presented in the first part of the paper. The findings of different field studies illustrate the advantages of the empirical approach adopted and provide insights into both the antecedents of urban-related identity and its consequences with respect to perception, cognitions and experience of the urban environment. Finally, remaining problems and furttier implications are discussed.

I n t r o d u c t i o n

The last 15 years has seen numerous efforts to conceptualize place-related identity within the field of environmental psychology. Of particular importance is the work on 'place identity' (Proshansky, 1978; Proshansky et al., 1983), 'sense of place' or 'rootedness' (Relph, 1976; Buttimer, 1980; Tuan, 1980), 'place dependence' (Stokols & Shumaker, 1981) and 'attachment to place' (Gerson et al., 1977). In addition, the approaches of Fried (1963) and Treinen (1965) are representative of a n u m b e r of earlier formulations. These perspectives employ a very wide ranging and often fuzzy definition of 'place'. The term 'place' is used in a fairly narrow sense to encompass the house or flat individuals live in, the neighborhood with its concomitant social network, one's work place and other relevant environments. The relationship with one's physical surroundings is essentially viewed as bound up with concrete experiences. Thus, the focus is on those places which can be directly experienced by a person and which are subjectively meaningful to him or her. It is primarily through this concrete relationship t h a t the environment attains its symbolic

significance as a subStrate of social, emotional and action-related contents.

In others words, psychological research has concentrated on micro-spatial processes. These encompass the flat or house (Dovey, 1985; G r a u m a n n , 1988), the immediate residential surroundings, the neighborhood and t h e areas of town (Schneider, 1986). In addition, investigations into identification with a town 2 as a whole have also gained some prominence (Proshansky, 1978; Lalli, 1988). In contrast, geographers, for example, employ the terms 'regional identity' or 'regional consciousness' (Blotevogel et al., 1986; Weichhart, 1990). These terms cover the entire macro- and micro-local field, but clearly focus on the macro-local unit 'region'.

The heterogeneity of these terms and their spatial extension, the differences in theoretical foundations and their f r a g m e n t a r y formulation, the lack of a d e q u a t e m e a s u r i n g i n s t r u m e n t s (Krupat, 1983) and the related lack of empirical productivity is probably responsible for the fact t h a t psychological research on place identity has not been especially fruitful. This paper a t t e m p t s to make a contribution to the resolution of the above- mentioned problems in two ways.

First, a systematic analysis of the theoretical roots, but also of the less influential background of work on place identity is presented. Second, the paper systematizes theory and research in a new

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way on the basis of constructs with clearly defined spatial extension. It does not appear fruitful to work exclusively with global constructs, such as 'place identity'. The development of an adequate theoretical framework necessitates that the qualitatively different structures and processes associated with the various spatial scales are taken into account. For example, a person's bond with his/her neighborhood can only be conceptualized in part in terms of being analogous to their identification with the town or city. It would therefore appear more useful to employ concepts of medium theoretical range, as will be demonstrated with respect to town or city as an example. Therefore, 'place identity' will be retained, b u t used throughout the remainder of this paper solely as a superordinate term for the

various forms of identity related to place.

Furthermore, a particular aspect of place identity which will be called 'urban-related identity' or 'urban- identity (Proshansky, 1978) will be discussed. Both theoretical considerations and empirical findings will be presented. Finally, an i n s t r u m e n t designed to m e a s u r e u r b a n identification will be introduced.

O v e r v i e w : T h e o r e t i c a l T r a d i t i o n s a n d E m p i r i c a l F i n d i n g s

Environmental psychology did not deal explicitly with the theoretical conceptualization and empirical investigation of place identity until the late 1970s. Four theoretical traditions influenced the psychological work on place identity. Although not all these traditions have had the same impact on the current (psychological) view of the topic, they have all contributed to the understanding of place-related identification and attachment. This is particularly true for the field of urban-related identity which we will turn to later in this paper.

The cognitive perspective

The work in this area comes from environmental psychology, h u m a n geography and urban planning, b u t traditionally this approach has been taken by environmental psychologists.

Tolman (1948) was the first to hypothesize complex cognitive representations ('cognitive maps') as central for spatial behavior (and so abandoned behaviorist stimulus-reaction patterns). Originally, 'cognitive map' was a broad term containing two different aspects of the representation of the environment, which were later differentiated (cf. Schneider, 1990).

The orientation-related representation covers the

cognitive encoding of the spatial environment. This research is geographical in origin (Gulliver, 1908; Trowbridge, 1913), b u t became popular through the work of the town planner Lynch. This tradition is largely concerned with the study of the organization and processing of information about orientation in environments, for example, in towns, buildings or building complexes. Today cognitive maps and map- ping are seen as belonging primarily to this branch of research.

The meaning-related representation covers the functional, evaluative and symbolic aspects of the environment. The term 'image' (Boulding, 1956) used in this context includes the individuals' evaluation of the environment and is not a photographic representation of it. The research in this p a r t of the field is very heterogeneous (cf. Moore, 1979) and can not be easily summarized.

This differentiation reflects the aspects of 'where- ness' (orientation) and 'whatness' (meaning) in environmental cognition (Downs & Stea, 1977). Although in the literature terms like 'cognitive map' or 'image' are not always used in the same sense, 3 the proposed classification contributes to clarification (see Schneider, 1990).

Although Lynch (1960) pointed out that the legi- bility and imageability of the u r b a n environment contributes to the identification of it, the orientation-related part of environmental representation is considered to be of less importance for place identity. The evaluative and symbolic components of the meaning-related representation have had more influence on theory and research in the place- identity literature.

The phenomenological perspective

This perspective has had a large impact on the work on place identity, mainly due to the influence of phenomenologically oriented h u m a n geographers (Relph, 1976; Tuan, 1980).

The focus of the phenomenological approach is the analysis of the intentional interaction of person and environment (Graumann, 1990, p. 97). Intentional environment (Taylor, 1964) means the world of things, persons and events as experienced by the individual. According to this approach the environment:

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Urban Identity 287

In this context the phenomenological methodology is of interest in terms of its descriptive aspects. According to Husserl (1950-1952), its aim is not insight in a literal sense, but m e n t a l deliberation, intuition. Description is important, not explanation or analysis. Objective reality does not exist independently, but is t h a t which is apparent. The m a i n aim is to describe the essence of things. This m e a n s t h a t the experience of reality is an experience of meanings. According to Shfitz (1962-1966), ' . . . the life- world is a universe of significance to u s . . . (Vol. 1, p. 133). In the same volume, this basic notion is applied poignantly to the subject u n d e r consideration: 'The place where I a m living has no significance for me as a geographical concept, but as m y home'. (p. 164).

One of the consequences of this conception is t h a t the phenomenological oriented approaches to place identity have emphasized the emotional a t t a c h m e n t to the environment. The state of identification with the environment is largely unselfconscious and becomes aware w h e n t h r e a t e n e d (Fried, 1963; Relph, 1976; cf. Proshansky et al., 1983). For T u a n (1980), 'rootedness' is, from an objective point of view, the length of stay in a particular place (p. 4). It is an ' . . . unreflective state of being in which the h u m a n personality merges with its milieu' (p. 6). Rooted individuals ' . . . are concerned with and proud of their past' (p. 5). Relph (1976) describes 'home' as 'the central reference point of h u m a n existence' (p. 20), the source of personal meaningfulness. The relation between places and h u m a n existence is 'a vital source of both individual and cultural identity and security' (p. 43).

The phenomenological approach has proved fruitful in at least two respects. On the one hand, it focuses on the subjective experience of the environment. The perspective offers insights into emotional, cognitive or behavioral meanings of things, environment or persons. The person has a relationship with the physical environment which is experienced by him or her and thus amenable to description. On the other hand, this approach conceptualizes an unitary person-environment relationship. Individuals are not confronted with a reality 'out there', rather reality becomes part of their experience. This relationship is also implied by the German term 'Urn-Welt', i.e. the world which belongs to somebody and not the world in and of itself (Graumann, 1988).

The self and self-concept theories

The third theoretical traditional which had significant impact on theorizing about place identity

can be traced back to sociological and social psychological self theories. Self-identity conceptions were derived from (cognitive) self-concept theories and applied to definitions of place identity. The work of P r o s h a n s k y (1978; Proshansky et al., 1983) and the author has been strongly influenced by these theories.

The theoretical roots are in symbolic inter- actionism (Mead, 1934) and cognitive self-concept theories (James, 1890; Cooley, 1902; Gecas, 1982; Hormuth, 1990). The self is the result of social differentiation processes which are mediated by social experiences. These processes enable individuals to distinguish between themselves, others and the physical environment, and thus to develop a self-concept. Self-concept can be understood as the subjective representation of self. The primarily cognitive oriented self-concept theories define self- concept as a complex cognitive structure which organizes self-referent cognitions, evaluations, convictions, etc. According to Mead, objects and places have meanings which are shared by individuals with whom one interacts and by reference groups. Meanings are therefore intersubjective (Wilson, 1980). They symbolize social and cultural values, rules and expectations, but also personal (social) experiences. Place identity can be viewed as part of self-identity. Self-identity comprises specific and conscious convictions, interpretations and evaluations of oneself. Therefore, place identity is an aspect of an individual's identity, comparable to gender identity, political identity, or ethnic identity. G r a u m a n n (1983) refers to multiple identities in this context (see also Stryker, 1980), which become more or less conscious and active according to the situation.

This theoretical orientation raises two questions. First, the relative importance of the different identity aspects and their interrelationship is unclear. However, there are suggestions t h a t the significance of the physical environment or an individuals identity is relatively minor (Hormuth & Lalli, 1986). Second, the emphasis on the cognitive aspects of self-concept and self-identity has led to cognitivistic conceptions of place identity, which tend to neglect the emotional components of this state. These aspects are only indirectly incorporable via evaluative or quantitative measures.

Sociological influence

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Although these traditions are of less importance for psychological theorizing on place identity, they have substantially influenced our understanding of psychological processes concerning the town or city.

One early sociological perspective can be traced back to the Durkheimian concept of social space (Durkheim, 1893). Whereas the initial focus was primarily on the social position of an individual in social relations, groups and diverse social structures, i.e. on a subjective and sociological dimension, an explicitly objective-physical level was introduced at the latest by Chombert de Lauwe (1956). D u r k h e i m viewed the development of the concept of space as a cultural process; location is imbued with 'sympathetic' values, it represents parts of the societal value system. Treinen (1965) describes .spatial relatedness as the result of a symbolization process which comes about through the association of social actions with situative (spatial) characteristics. However, the significance of the spatial-physical environment remains lim- ited. The concrete influence of physical characteristics of actions, social structures and organizational principles is hardly considered.

With respect to these last points it is necessary to turn to a second sociological tradition, urban sociology. In the last century the implications of migration from the country together with urbaniza- tion caused by speedy industrialization were areas of interest in research. The town or city became the embodiment of all t h a t was wrong with civilization. Whereas rural structures were seen as a guarantee for intact social relations, the u r b a n individual was exposed to a multitude of perils. D u r k h e i m mentions the less personal quality of relationships in towns. Simmel (1903) argues t h a t excessive stim- uli encountered daily in u r b a n environments lead to the rational, cold and distanced behavior of residents. Wirth (1938) p u t forward a similar argument. This tradition is continued and joined in more recent contributions by Mitscherlich (1965) and Milgram (1970). Milgram extended the work of Wirth and Simmel by describing city life as stimulus overload which overtaxes the cognitive processing capacities of residents. Distanced relationships and very selective absorption of information were seen as the consequences.

The negative image of the town, which has only j u s t started to gain more positive connotations ('new urbanity', see, e.g. H~iuSermann & Siebel, 1987), and the overstylized rural idyll, which embodies a romantic notion of 'home' or 'Heimat '4 have had a substantial influence on the t r e a t m e n t of place- related and more of urban-related identity.

Research findings

This section examines the empirical approaches t a k e n in the place-identity literature. However, as already mentioned, empirical research in this area is sparse.

In terms of content, psychological research is concerned with micro-local levels of place identity, i.e. with the home, neighborhood, parts of towns or cities, and the town itself, although the main focus is on the locations at the beginning of this list.

Rivlin (1982) investigated the relation b e t w e e n belonging to particular groups and bonds with the neighborhood in a small case study. Rowles (1983) specifies different aspects which define the degree of rootedness of elderly residents in their rural environment. He particularly emphasizes the autobiographical significance of t h a t environment. Winter and Church (1984) point out positive relationships b e t w e e n emotional ties to a location and political activity in the community. Reitzes (1986) studied connections b e t w e e n different leisure activities in downtowns and the perception, evaluation and identification with the u r b a n environment. Schneider and G r a u m a n n (1986) interviewed male and female residents in large and medium-sized towns, as well as individual town sections in various field studies. Among other things, they content analyzed the substances and perspectives of u r b a n environment descriptions. Findings of this research project concerned with neighborhood and town sections can be found in Schneider (1986). It was demonstrated t h a t biographical relations were particularly prominent in residents' descriptions. In addition, residents of newly built housing estates tended towards defensive comparisons with other parts of town.

This brief review shows t h a t empirical projects and findings are sparse. F u r t h e r work does exist, but cannot be described as primarily psychological in focus.

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Urban Identity 289

One factor, which has received frequent attention in the empirical literature as an influence on local identification and which has also played an impor- t a n t role in the debate surrounding the term 'Heimat', is place of birth. Treinen (1965) suggests t h a t place of birth only carries significance for place identity if a person has spent at least their child- hood and adolescence there. Similarly, Becker and Keim (1973), do not attach much relevance to place of birth itself in terms of identification with it. They reason that one's place of birth as 'Heimat' encompasses the entire social network within which a person grows up. But integration with, growing into, tbis environment is mainly determined from outside through definitions provided by adults. Con- scious identification processes can only take place once a person's own long-term values, norms and behavioral p a t t e r n s are developed, which takes place later. In that sense, place of birth has no necessary connection with rootedness. It is the reasoned decision to stay in t h a t particular town through which place of birth becomes a source of identification.

In contrast, Lalli (1988) has shown t h a t residents who were born in a particular town identify more with it t h a n individuals born elsewhere, independently of length of residence. This difference between individuals born and not born in a town persists for several decades of residence, before it loses statistical significance. The hypothesis can be derived from these findings t h a t the development of place identity is probably not the sole product of social experiences.

Empirical studies usually refer to the significance of temporal factors. Relations with the physical and social environment grow stronger with increasing length of residence (Becker & Keim, 1973). Length of residence is also seen as a determining factor for the development of local identification by Treinen (1965), KShler (1981), T h u m (1981) and Lalli (1988). According to Becker and Keim (1973), the intensity of this relation is strengthened further if a monu- m e n t or artefact with historical significance, which has remained stable for some time, is p a r t of common m e m o r y for local groups. B a h r d t (1971) put forward a similar argument, b u t relating identification and a feeling of belonging to the indi- viduality and uniqueness of a town, whereby uniqueness appears to apply most clearly to historical centers. W h a t is important in this context is the long years of experiences 'witnessed' by such historical buildings, r a t h e r than their existence as such. Gerson et al. (1977) judge the importance of length of residence in isolation as insufficient to create an

emotional bond to a place. Only in connection with social contacts length of residence is seen as a relevant factor.

The notion t h a t social r e l a t i o n s h i p s are funda- m e n t a l for the d e v e l o p m e n t of p e r s o n a l i d e n t i t y in general and for local i d e n t i t y in p a r t i c u l a r a p p e a r s generally accepted (Gerson et al., 1977; GSschel, 1984; Schneider, 1986). For example, Treinen (1965) d e m o n s t r a t e d r e l a t i o n s h i p s be- t w e e n subjective well-being and the n u m b e r of friends and a c q u a i n t a n c e s in the close vicinity. I n d i v i d u a l s with a large circle of friends and a c q u a i n t a n c e s are more likely to a t t a c h emotional significance to w h e r e t h e y live t h a n individuals w i t h o u t such circles. RomeiB-Stracke (1984) con- cludes t h a t social relationships in the residential location and section of town (neighborhood, circles of friends and a c q u a i n t a n c e s ) constitute an impor- t a n t basis for the d e v e l o p m e n t of a sense of belonging to the place. Especially, lower socio- economic s t r a t a families with children and elderly r e s i d e n t s were shown to rely strongly on close social contacts in the neighborhood (KShler, 1981; RomeiB-Stracke, 1984). B u t t h e r e was also evidence t h a t s u g g e s t e d t h a t the role of close social relationships in t h e locality h a s been overemphasized, or h a s to be defined differently in n e w social conditions. It a p p e a r s t h a t close social- local contacts are g r a d u a l l y dissolving to give w a y to different p a t t e r n s of social r e l a t i o n s h i p s in t e r m s of more casual social contacts in residential and leisure a r e a s (RomeiB-Stracke, 1984). T h u m (1981) also i l l u s t r a t e d empirically t h a t a certain social distance, i n t e r p r e t e d as i n d e p e n d e n c e from restrictive social contacts, c o n t r i b u t e s to a bond with one's living environment. If this distance becomes too pronounced, however, it can t u r n into isolation which is experienced n e g a t i v e l y and reduces identification.

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Becker and Keim (1973) view the quality of and satisfaction with living quarters as a significant influence on the identification process. The worse living conditions are, the lower local identification becomes. Three categories which appear to be connected with satisfaction emerge from investigations in this area, namely size and a r r a n g e m e n t of living environment, sanitary appliances and residential setting.

In the previously mentioned study, Lalli (1988) found a relationship b e t w e e n positive evaluation of u r b a n quality and degree of identification with the town. This finding was interpreted as evidence t h a t individuals who strongly identify with their town also view it in more positive terms. RomeiB-Stracke (1984) also mentions environmental characteristics, such as smells and noises, which seem to symbolize local identity in a very intense fashion. However, if these characteristics exceed a certain critical level, they can severely reduce personal identification with the environment. Even the cleanliness of a residential area can become a substantial basis for the development or enhancement of a subjective feeling of rootedness (RomeiB-Stracke, 1984,

p. 51).

A n o t h e r r e l a t e d and overlooked aspect is the a m o u n t of choice individuals have a b o u t w h e r e t h e y live (Becker & Keim, 1973; Thum, 1981) and the relationship b e t w e e n local identification and decisions a b o u t social contacts (Gerson et al., 1977). T h u m (1981) showed t h a t people who t a k e their residence for granted, i.e. t h e y never h a d to m a k e a decision a b o u t it in either a positive or negative w a y (including individuals who have always lived in the same place), n e i t h e r develop local identification nor alienation. This is sup- ported by historical evidence. For example, the p h e n o m e n o n ' H e i m w e h ' (longing for one's 'Heimat' w h e n elsewhere), which was originally described medically as 'melancholia', was not evident until two centuries ago. This is connected with degrees of individual and societal mobility. In addition, this relates to choice and social contacts. Chosen social contacts are most effective in eliciting feel- ings of belongingness, according to Gerson et al. (1977).

Following this general overview of approaches and empirical findings with respect to place related identity, the second p a r t of this paper is concerned with an aspect of place identity which will be termed 'urban identity' or 'urban-related identity'. A theoretical framework will be presented which aims at conceptualizing the special significance of towns or cities for individuals' identity.

T h e o r e t i c a l B a c k g r o u n d

Urban development and identity

Traditionally, u r b a n environments have not been viewed as a suitable source for positive identification. On the contrary, the town was contrasted negatively with the rural ideal. At t h a t time, the town as 'home' was hardly imaginable, only in a romanticized form as idyllic university town (e.g. Heidelberg). Rather, the town as industrial center became a symbol for all t h a t was wrong with civilization in general (cf. Lehmann, 1983). Large towns were seen as anonymous, claustrophobic, removed from n a t u r e and, in short, as a source of h u m a n alienation. They became the embodiment of industrialized society with all its disadvantages. In contrast, rural rustic life could offer intact social relationships, lasting traditions, unity of produc- tion, distribution and reproduction and 'natural' living conditions which provided, if not an easy existence, then at least a sense of comfort and security.

Since Mitscherlich (1965) l a m e n t e d the 'inhospi- tality' of towns two decades ago, u r b a n life has gained considerable repute. And this is not only the case for metropolises like Berlin, Paris or N e w York, b u t also for 'normal' average sized towns. How, then, did the town become a positive source of identification? There are a v a r i e t y of reasons for this development. The discovery of the town can be r e g a r d e d as a consequence of the failed u r b a n development policies of the post-war era. Rapidly built up satellite towns and endless rows of t e r r a c e d houses in s u b u r b s offered an improve- m e n t of living comfort on the one hand, b u t also introduced all the negative aspects of u r b a n living, such as isolation and monotony. In addition, t h e y m e a n t long j o u r n e y s to the w o r k place and to cultural centers. In t h a t sense, the town center fulfils a function similar to t h a t formerly provided by rural structures. In c o n t r a s t to recent suburbs, t h e y have grown historically, are less a n o n y m o u s socially and offer a richer v a r i e t y of cultural and c o m m u n a l activities. Town people prefer short distances and the h e t e r o g e n e o u s social s t r u c t u r e of the grown town center. Moreover, the housing situation in old parts of towns has improved significantly through comprehensive restoration programs.

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Conceptual clarifications

Before presenting the theoretical position adopted here, two central points have to be clarified. First, a differentiation of the term 'identity' will be proposed. Second, the problem of geographical scaling will be introduced and discussed.

A fundamental distinction has to be drawn between subjective identity and the identity of the place itself (cf. Schneider, 1986). The latter encompasses the special character of the location, its un- mistakable uniqueness. This identity is not directly derived from physical characteristics, b u t constitutes a social construction which is founded in the perception of individuals and groups (Lalli & P15ger, 1991). Although there is a close, reciprocal relationship between these two aspects of identity, psychological theory development has emphasized the subjective element, the viewpoint of the individual, i.e. the identity of the person and identification with

place. The term place identity is used in this sense: it refers to the relationship of the individual with a place and not to the identity of a location itself.

The relation between these various aspects of identity can be further clarified through a consideration of identity development. The first stage consists of the process of identification, i.e. the perception, Categorization and experience of similarity between objects, individuals, groups or environments. With respect to an u r b a n environment, this means the subjective reconstruction of the town or city. This step does not imply the development of place identity (by the individual) as a direct consequence, b u t it certainly constitutes a necessary basis for it. F u r t h e r processes are needed of 'identification with' and 'being identified with' a town. This means a partial equivalence of individuals and their u r b a n environment, or at least particular attributes of it. The symbolic function of objects and environments makes possible such an identification (Graumann, 1983, 313 ft.). Usually, this identification is carried out by individuals themselves as well as b y their social surroundings. Only on this basis does it become possible to consider certain points of reference, such as spatial ones, in terms of self- definition, i.e. to view them as aspects of one's own identity. A detailed discussion of these relations can be found, for instance, in G r a u m a n n (1983). He also explains the relationship b e t w e e n the terms 'identity' and 'identification':

The unity of a person is not naturally given but has to be attained psychologically (by identification) and maintained (as identity) in a continuous and often conflictive process of socialization (Graumann, 1983, p. 315).

This quote indicates t h a t 'identification' refers primarily to acquisition, whereas the term 'identity' characterizes a condition, or rather its maintenance. The latter is w h a t is m e a n t by 'place identity'. In the same sense, we will use in the following the t e r m 'urban identity', or, to stress the relational aspect from the viewpoint of the individual, 'urban- related identity'.

The second point to clarify is the question of spatial scaling. It has been argued that place identity can be related to spaces at different levels. We spoke of a continuum ranging from a micro- spatial level (e.g. 'home') to the macro-space of a whole continent or even the world. It has been pointed out t h a t psychological theory and research on place identity has been focused on the smaller end of this continuum, the end of the micro-level. One of the criticisms of this research was the non-specific n a t u r e of the conceptualization of the spatial extension of the t e r m 'place'. It was argued t h a t an appropriate psychological place-identity theory has to specify the spatial level examined and to conceptualize the singular properties of the persons relation to t h a t special place construct. In this sense it was proposed to keep the term 'place identity' only as label for the research program as a whole and to use more specific 'medium range terms', as 'urban-related identity', for the different conceptualizations of space-related identity.

Given this, how can the different spatial levels be differentiated? Even if it is not possible to provide a taxonomy of spatial scales, some propositions will be made. In geography the problem of scaling is very common (Haggett, 1979). One possible approach to differentiating the size of objects is to introduce 'order of geographical magnitude' (Haggett, 1979, p. 17). They can be defined as partitioning the continuous size scale. For example, an area with the diameter ranging between 105 and 106 cm (12.5 to 1.25 km) will be classified as fifth order of magnitude, an area with the diameter remaining between 106 and 107 cm (125 to 12.5 km) as fourth order of magnitude and so on (pp. 18-19). This classification seems inappropriate for psychology, because it can be assumed, t h a t psychologically important spatial areas have to be meaningful categories for the individuals interacting in and with them. The second and more promising approach to spatial scaling considers the individuals' experience of space. The analysis of individual action spaces

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around those sites (p. 93). It seems possible to differentiate at least three partial levels connected with individual action: home, neighborhood, and the activity space as a whole. The structure of the latter can vary depending on the individual involved and the type of environment in which the person is living (e.g. rural vs. u r b a n or s u b u r b a n vs. inner- city environments; cf. Jakle et al., 1976, p. 98). Beside these levels accessed primarily by the individuals' locomotion, other spatial levels are experienced by him or by her. The construction of these levels is a more social one. The boundaries of these spaces can be legal-administrational (town quarter, town, region, nation) or socio-cultural ones [community, vernacular region (cf. Zelinsky, 1980)].

This approach to classification of spatial levels is tentative. It is imPortant to state t h a t two processes have to be included in a psychologically meaningful scale. Both are led by the persons' experience. The first is an idiosyncratic construction of space and comes from the individuals' action in the environment. The second is a more social construction derived from social communication. Both aspects do not exclude each other, the social dimension is more important for the larger areas at the 'wider' pole of the spatial continuum. On the other hand, the home and neighborhood are the more 'personal' and directly experienced levels of space. In this sense, the town or city is in the first place a social and administrational entity. P a r t s of it will coincide with the persons' activity space, other parts will not. In turn, the activity space will probably over- step the area belonging to the town.

Spatial scaling is an u n d e r e s t i m a t e d problem in place identity research. It is beyond the scope of this research to provide a comprehensive solution to it. Spatial levels have to be conceptualized using categories of the individuals' life-world (Weichhart, 1990). Although some arguments for the u r b a n environment have been pointed out, further work needs to be done.

Theoretical differentiations

The theoretical approach adopted here is strongly influenced by the self-concept approach sketched above. Some further differentiations will be discussed below.

'Urban-related identity' can be defined as part of an individual's 'self-identity' analogous with arguments put forward by Proshansky et al. (1983) for the concept of 'place identity'. 'Self-identity' can be understood as a substructure of a more encompass- ing self-concept, the subjective representation of self.

The approach developed by P r o s h a n s k y and his collaborators will be discussed briefly, and then the concept of 'urban-related identity' will be elaborated in more detail. P r o s h a n s k y et al. (1983) focus on the functions of place identity for the individual. They distinguish between (a) a 'recognition function', which guarantees the perception of environmental stability, (b) a 'meaning function', which indicates to the person how to act, (c) an 'expressive-require- m e n t function' which concerns the personal shaping of the environment, (d) a 'mediating change function' which determines the degree to which the environment can be appropriated, and (e) an 'anxiety and defense function' which offers a sense of security. These functions of place identity are developed on the theoretical basis of cognitive psychology and cognitive self-theories (Proshansky et al., 1983, 58 ff.). The conception of place identity as being part of self-identity goes far beyond the approaches of h u m a n geographers mentioned above, who were mainly concerned with the sense of rootedness, of centeredness, of belonging to place. Defining 'place identity' as a cognitive system, P r o s h a n s k y et al. (1983, p. 66) suggest the conceptualization of the properties of this 'special' cognitive structure to be analogous to the functions of other cognitive systems. Despite the fruitfulness of this approach, the cognitive orientation of the approach leads to a neglect of some social aspects of place identity. These are first, the social reconstruction of the identity of a place and the (social) process of 'being identified with' it. Second, the link b e t w e e n the identity of the place and the identity of the person, which can be seen as the end product of identification, and third, the conditions necessary for the development of place identity. The following section a t t e m p t s to integrate these points into a theoretical framework.

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U r b a n I d e n t i t y 293

function as a symbol of these very experiences. Moreover, conceptualizing the self as embedded in a total system m a k e s an improved u n d e r s t a n d i n g of its stability as well as change possible. It is precisely the static conceptualizations of traditional self-concept theories which have been repeatedly criticized from an environmental psychological perspective (Proshansky et al., 1983, p. 59).

Analogous to the work by P r o s h a n s k y et al. (1983) on 'place identity', 'urban-related identity' is defined as an aspect of the more comprehensive 'self-identity' of a person. In comparison with their concept of 'place identity', the term 'urban-related identity' is more locally specific and goes beyond the 'cognitive formulation' in several aspects which we will now describe briefly.

According to various sociologists (cf. Buchwald, 1983), the main aspect of rootedness is the 'safety in the family and circle of friends, amongst acquaint- ances and work colleagues; the n a m e of the town is only a symbol for these social contacts' (p. 220, emphasis in original). However, in addition, a further function o f place identity will be proposed which does not directly result from the symbolization of social experiences. As discussed earlier, the development of identity in general is the result of differentiation between self and others. To view and define oneself as a resident of a particular town also fulfils a necessary function for distinguishing oneself from other people who do not live in t h a t town, b u t elsewhere. This is not only an abstract differentiation, b u t can be filled with concrete contents. The person as a resident of a particular town acquires a n u m b e r of quasi-psychological characteristics which are associated with t h a t town. For example, a town can be 'cosmopolitan' in contrast to other 'provincial' towns, it can be 'affluent', 'traditional', 'warm- hearted', 'industrious', 'clean', etc., whereas other towns are scornfully dismissed as 'poor', 'monot- onous', 'delapidated', 'cold' and so on. Thus, towns have their own identity, also evaluated as 'image' from outside, which 'rubs off' onto its residents and gives t h e m a certain personality.

A town's identity is not given objectively. The identity of objects or environments is always an identity as perceived by individuals or groups. It is therefore the outcome of individual or social constructions, or attributions. Self-enhancement of residents is an important function of such identity constructions. Many of the characteristics attri- buted to a town only exist in the perception of residents. A town m a y be perceived as 'very green', even if it is described as a 'stinking industrial town' by inhabitants of other cities. These processes

reveal some parallels with those known from social psychological work on groups. One's own group is favored, coupled with discrimination against other groups.

It m a y be argued generally then t h a t urban- related identity also fulfils a function for the residents' positive self-regard or self-esteem. In addition, it provides a sense of f u n d a m e n t a l uniqueness for the individual. A necessary condition for a town to offer such a differentiation function is t h a t it is perceived as a 'special', 'different from other towns' environment. The 'unique' attributes which are necessary for such a definition are symbolized at an abstract level by special characteristics of the town. They concretize its uniqueness subjectively. Buildings, geographical features (rivers, lakes, etc.), b u t also cultural events (fairs, exhibitions, etc.) or other peculiarities of the town can function as such symbols, i.e. all those aspects which are typically associated with it by large portions of inhabitants

(but also externally).

The difference b e t w e e n the general concept of 'place identity' and 'urban-related identity', as it is understood here, can also be clarified through a consideration of the function town districts fulfil for residents' self-definition. At this level there are also identification processes (Schneider, 1986), b u t these have more specific contents. The subjective relation to one's p a r t of town is realized more directly via concrete actions (e.g. flat, family, friends, shopping facilities, etc.). The bond to a particular p a r t of town also contributes to one's differentiation from residents in other town areas. A p a r t of town has a specific social, economic and esthetic identity which serves to differentiate simultaneously the positive self-definition of its residents from all other town inhabitants.

In contrast, the town as a whole fulfils a more global function, which is not only directly derived from action or locomotion in the environment. The social construction of the identificatory relationship with the town is of major importance. As pointed out above, place identity can be seen as dependent on different levels of spatial scaling. It is felt t h a t the cognitive approach developed by P r o s h a n s k y et al. (1983) is of more significance for the conceptualization of place-related identity on a smaller scale, i.e. the action space. At the level of the town or city, the other functions described gain prominence. This point appears to be the most important difference between the concept of 'urban-related identity' and 'place identity' as formulated by P r o s h a n s k y et al. (1983).

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clarification of 'urban-related identity' becomes possible.

U r b a n - r e l a t e d identity, as an aspect of an individual's more comprehensive self-identity, is the result of a complex association b e t w e e n self and u r b a n environment. The town becomes the general symbol of an individual's wealth of personal experiences. However, it is not simply a reflection of these experiences, b u t provides a sense of subjective

temporal continuity for the person, which becomes gradually more independent of this backdrop of concrete experiences. This contributes to individuals gaining a sense of stability and continuity which is independent from actual day-to-day experiences. The town provides an identity-enhancing context for one's biography, and thus a continuity which is relatively independent from definite (e.g. social) changes. Such processes are involved in all aspects of self-identity, and are also provided by other identity-relevant factors, such as social relationships (family, partner, etc.) or a person's profession. The second central function of urban-related identity is to differentiate residents from other individuals. This sense of belongingness does not only lead to the perception of 'being different', b u t it also imbues an individual with specific attributes which are associated with the town in question. These attributions consist of a mesh of external (other) and self-attributions, b u t differentiation from others means a sense of community at the same time. Belonging to a certain place produces a sense of 'we' and provides the comfort and security of a social group. The name of the town and particularly notable and unique characteristics of the u r b a n environment become global symbols of these processes.

M e a s u r e m e n t : T h e U r b a n - i d e n t i t y S c a l e

The point of departure for the development of the scale was a study carried out in Mannheim (Lalli & Thomas, 1988, 1989). This investigation consisted of an evaluation of different proposed m e a s u r e s in the context of town planning. It started from the hypothesis that agreement or disagree- m e n t with various m e a s u r e s would depend on perceived quality of u r b a n life in the respective areas. For example, residents who favored the construction of cycle paths were thought to be individuals who believed t h a t existing arrange- ments for cyclistics were insufficient. Furthermore, it was expected that identification with the town would constitute an important moderating variable.

Operationalization

A review of the relevant literature showed t h a t the existing approaches to investigating place identity were heterogeneous. Suitable operationalizations of constructs could not be found. Rootedness was either investigated in a very global w a y ('How closely related to this town do you feel?') or explored in lengthy interviews. Specific and easily employ- able measuring instruments did not exist.

Although a theoretical distinction can be drawn between urban-related identity and identification with a town, as indicated earlier, the present empirical operationalization follows a more global conception. On the one hand, the scale was not designed to record the contents of urban-related i d e n t i t y - - q u a l i t a t i v e approaches are more suitable for such an endeavour, while the separate measurement of identification and the significance of identity appeared too artificial, since both aspects are simply different perspectives on the same subject matter. An empirical differentiation b e t w e e n these two aspects also seemed fairly irrelevant in terms of research aims, given t h a t the current level of theoretical development does not allow for the derivation of contrasting hypotheses. The t e r m 'degree of identification' and similar notions will be used in the following section for reasons of terminological simplicity. It would be more precise theoretically to talk about the significance of urban- related identity and the extent of identification with the town.

Five dimensions of urban-related identity were operationalized. These dimensions were derived from the theoretical approach developed above.

The subscale external evaluation (EVALUATION) covers the function of residents' self-enhancement. It contains evaluative comparison between own town and others, and the town's perceived uniqueness and special character.

The dimension continuity with personal past

(CONTINUITY) collects the significance of the u r b a n environment for the sense of subjective temporal continuity. It reflects the hypothesized connection b e t w e e n own biography and the town, the symbolization of personal experiences.

General attachment (ATTACHMENT) contains more unspecific items and aims at the m e a s u r e m e n t of a general sense of being at home in the town. It is the belongingness or rootedness as described by the widespread literature reviewed.

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of the actions u n d e r t a k e n in the u r b a n environment. In this sense it is an expression of a success- ful cognitive orientation.

The subscale c o m m i t m e n t (COMMITMENT) finally, asks for the perceived significance of the town for personal future, the commitment to 'want to stay'. Personal commitments are of central importance for the stability of self-concept as pointed out by the theories sketched above.

The subscales proposed seem to cover the most i m p o r t a n t aspects of the functions of urban-related identity sketched out in the theory section of this paper. The focus of operationalization was, as argued theoretically, on the social functions of identity. The cognitive elements of place identity are incorporated only indirectly m a i n l y in the subscale 'perception of familiarity', b u t this seems adequate for the level of urban-related identity.

The presented i n s t r u m e n t was designed to measure urban-related identity. The operationalization of other spatial levels of place identity is not the object of this contribution. Some aspects could probably be designed parallel to the considerations above, others could not. More work needs to be done.

Individual items of the Urban Identity Scale are given in the Appendix. Subjects h a d to rate the items at a five-point Likert-like scale with extremes ranging from 'disagree completely' to 'agree completely'.

The above is the most recent version of the scale which was tested in two investigations in Heidelberg using two samples (telephone survey using a r a n d o m sample, but representative of residential areas, n = 130 (P15ger & Lalli, unpub- lishedS); personal a d m i n i s t r a t i o n study, n = 91).

Methodological q u a l i t y

Methodological quality was assessed by descriptive measures and reliability criteria. These are summarized in Tables 1-4. The methodological quality of the scale is generally good. The reliability figures

TABLE 1

Analysis of the total scale

Descriptive statistics n = 198 n = 130

No. of subsets 4 5

Total number of items 16 20

Mean total 53.87 67.23

Dispersion 13.61 17-57

Reliability

Standard estimate Spearman-Brown

Mean test intercorrelation

0-92 0.94

0.94 0.95

0.61 0.65

for the total scale particularly the ATTACHMENT subscale are impressive. The figures for the subscales EVALUATION and CONTINUITY are not as satisfactory, t h e y are around '0.70' before adjust- ment. The values for discriminative power of subscales were also satisfactory, although the figure for EVALUATION is slightly lower t h a n the others. The intercorrelation m a t r i x illustrates t h a t all the subscales correlate with each other relatively highly. This is particularly true for the subscale ATTACH- MENT. This finding implies t h a t the separate a d m i n i s t r a t i o n of this subscale in investigations which are interested only in general identification is meaningful and valid. In line with expectations, the subscale EVALUATION is least correlated with the other subscales, which implies the special status of the identity aspect 'external evaluation'. On the whole, the scale emerges as a suitable research i n s t r u m e n t .

Several findings concerning its validity will be described briefly. The following results refer to the above two studies in Heidelberg with a total of 200 participants, but replicate the M a n n h e i m findings.

Of interest are the relations between time spent in the town, i.e. length of residence, and degree of identification. Figure 1 illustrates a consistent increase of identification over time. L e n g t h of

TABLE 2

Subscale values (n = 198)

EVALUATION FAMILIARITY ATTACHMENT CONTINUITY COMMITMENT

No. of items 4 4 4 4 4

Mean total 14.97 13-79 12.89 12.23 13.36

Dispersion 2.99 3.72 5.10 4.28 4-49

Discriminative power 0.52 0.81 0.78 0.69

Discriminative power* 0.58 0.81 0.85 0.74 0-81

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TABLE 3

Reliability (n = 198)

EVALUATION FAMILIARITY ATTACHMENT CONTINUITY COMMITMENT

Cronbach's alpha 0.68 0.74 0.92 0.72 0.85

Bias-corrected (Kristof) 0.89 0.91 0.97 0.91 0-95

* Sample: n = 130.

TABLE 4

Intercorrelation of subsets

n = 198 (n = 130 for COMMITMENT)

FAMILIARITY ATTACHMENT CONTINUITY COMMITMENT

0.48 0-51 0.38 0.56

0.80 0.67 0.71

0.70 0-82

0.70 EVALUATION

FAMILIARITY ATTACHMENT CONTINUITY

* Sample: n = 130.

r e s i d e n c e e x p l a i n s m o r e t h a n 50% of t h e t o t a l scale v a r i a n c e , w h i c h m e a n s t h a t it is a v e r y good i n d i c a t o r for i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . A c o n s i d e r a t i o n of t h e s u b s c a l e f i n d i n g s l e a d s to a m o r e d i f f e r e n t i a t e d p i c t u r e . T h e s u b s c a l e ' g e n e r a l a t t a c h m e n t ' is h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e to l e n g t h of r e s i d e n c e as w a s expected. I t s e e m s r e a s o n a b l e to a s s u m e t h a t ' g e n e r a l a t t a c h m e n t ' , as a f u n d a m e n t a l e x p r e s s i o n of t h e significance of u r b a n - r e l a t e d i d e n t i t y , d e v e l o p s r e l a - t i v e l y slowly. I n c o n t r a s t , p o s i t i v e p e r c e p t i o n of t h e t o w n a n d i t s u n i q u e n e s s as m e a s u r e d b y t h e subscale ' e x t e r n a l e v a l u a t i o n ' , s h o u l d h a v e a p p e a r e d r e l a t i v e l y e a r l y . T h i s w o u l d b e p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e for

t o w n s like H e i d e l b e r g w h i c h a r e r e g a r d e d in a v e r y p o s i t i v e l i g h t also b y n o n - r e s i d e n t s . I f one t r a c e s t h e t e m p o r a l d e v e l o p m e n t of t h i s s u b s c a l e in d i f f e r e n t t o w n s , c h a r a c t e r i s t i c d i f f e r e n c e s e m e r g e . I t is e v i d e n t t h a t H e i d e l b e r g w o u l d f a r e b e t t e r in t h i s c o n t e x t t h a n a n i n d u s t r i a l t o w n l i k e M a n n h e i m . T h e f i g u r e s for H e i d e l b e r g a r e c o n s i s t e n t l y h i g h e r , t h e c u r v e is f l a t t e r a n d s t a r t s a t a h i g h e r level.

A c o m p a r i s o n of i n d i v i d u a l s w h o w e r e b o r n a n d n o t b o r n in t h e t o w n led to t h e following r e s u l t s . T o w n - b o r n i n d i v i d u a l s s h o w g r e a t e r i d e n t i f i c a t i o n . T h i s d i f f e r e n c e is m o s t p r o n o u n c e d w i t h r e s p e c t to t h e s u b s c a l e A T T A C H M E N T (see T a b l e 5, m o d e l 1).

FIGURE 1.

0

",=

ii/11 ~ I1----I17

I ~ O ~

./.I.

/

1' I I I I I I

10 20 30 40 50 60

Length of residence in years

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U r b a n I d e n t i t y 297

TABLE 5

Identification and length of residence by place of birth

Place of birth n ATTACHMENT Length of

residence

Heidelberg 27 4.21 A 38-04 A

Near Heidelberg 18 3.46 B 17.17 B

Other 85 3.11 B 13.38 B

AB: Values with the same letter do not differ significantly. Model 1: Main effect for identification: F2,127 = 16.69; p < 0.0001.

Model 2: Main effect for identification with length of residence as a covariate: F2,12 6 -- 1-62; N.S.

Covariate length of residence: F2,126 = 35.97; p < 0.0001. Identification: 5 = high; 1 = low; residence in years.

B u t it has to be noted t h a t town-born individuals t e n d e d to h a v e lived in town for almost twice as long as o t h e r participants. I f length of residence is statistically controlled for, differences with respect to the total scale as well as all subscales disappear (Table 5, model 2). The l a t t e r finding is surprising in so far as the earlier s t u d y carried out in M a n n h e i m did provide evidence for differences. Sample size m a y be a possible explanation, since 200 subjects participated in t h e M a n n h e i m s t u d y as compared to only 130 in Heidelberg. F u r t h e r m o r e , it seems t h a t a larger sample is needed to provide evidence for such a relatively small effect, b u t a f u r t h e r indication t h a t the hypothesis t h a t place of birth influences the i n t e n s i t y of identification independently of length of residence is correct, comes from t h e analysis of a p a r t i c u l a r l y sensitive item of the U r b a n I d e n t i t y Scale. P a r t i c i p a n t s born in Heidelberg are more inclined to agree with the s t a t e m e n t 'Heidelberg is m y home' (Heimat) t h a n people born elsewhere, regardless of length of residence. The influence of length of residence and place of b i r t h on the i n t e n s i t y of identification can be viewed as a classic r e s e a r c h finding in the area.

I n the e a r l y 1960s t h e Royal Commission on Local G o v e r n m e n t in E n g l a n d a n d Wales came up with v e r y similar findings (as cited by Relph, 1976, p. 31). The replication of these relationships in the above investigation can be r e g a r d e d as an indication of t h e validity of the scale.

F u r t h e r insights into its validity are provided by t h e analysis of a set of questions which addressed t h e perceived significance of different spatial aspects of t h e town. P a r t i c i p a n t s in Heidelberg r a t e d t h e significance of t h e following four aspects: (1) the town as a whole, (2) the q u a r t e r of town t h e y lived in, (3) direct neighborhood, and (4) notable artefacts. In Heidelberg, for e x a m p l e , t h e last point encompassed the castle, t h e Old Bridge, the m a i n road, t h e river Neckar, and so on. I f t h e scale does actually tap identification with t h e town, relationships with t h e perceived significance of the town as a whole would be expected. The above four local aspects were e n t e r e d into a multiple regression analysis as predictors for t h e different scale dimensions. Table 6 shows t h a t t h e perceived significance of the town as a whole is a significant predictor for both ratings on the total scale and all subscales. Perceived significance of residential district or q u a r t e r did not exert a n y influence, hence its omission from Table 6. T h e perceived i m p o r t a n c e of the neighborhood and p a r t i c u l a r town characteristics were not r e l a t e d to g e n e r a l i n t e n s i t y of identification. However, two subscale findings e m e r g e d which are interesting. First, individuals who e v a l u a t e d t h e i r neighborhood as i m p o r t a n t also a t t a c h e d p a r t i c u l a r significance to t h e i r f u t u r e in t h e town. This m a y be r e l a t e d to t h e fact t h a t these individuals often owned t h e i r own homes. Second, t h e subscale 'external evaluation' was r e l a t e d to t h e perceived significance of p a r t i c u l a r town characteristics. This finding is also easily interpretable, if it is r e m e m b e r e d t h a t e x t e r n a l e v a l u a t i o n is often c o m m u n i c a t e d t h r o u g h specific symbols which c h a r a c t e r i z e the town.

T A B L E 6

Importance of urban local aspects as predictors for identification (multiple regression)

Measures of identification

Town as whole Neighborhood

beta p < r 2 beta p < r 2

Characteristics

beta p < r 2

Total scale 0.35 0.0001 0.17 - -

ATTACHMENT 0.49 0.0001 0.17 - -

CONTINUITY 0.30 0.001 0-09 - -

EVALUATION 0-21 0.001 0.08 - -

FAMILIARITY 0.23 0.01 0-07 - -

COMMITMENT 0.45 0.0001 0.18 0.17

- - - - 0.17 0.01 0.05

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F u r t h e r F i n d i n g s

This section will initially discuss findings which relate identification with the town to a variety of other variables relevant to u r b a n perception and cognition. Subsequently, those variables will be considered which m a y influence the development of urban-related identity.

Urban quality perception

employment situation since their indicators are more 'objective' and can be experienced more directly. The relationship between identification and perceived u r b a n quality remains, even when age and/or length of residence are controlled for. Although the causal direction of influence cannot be determined unambiguously, various factors seem to suggest t h a t identification leads to positive evaluation and not vice versa, as m a y have been hypothesized.

The earlier investigation in M a n n h e i m demonstrated t h a t a high degree of identification is related to a more positive evaluation of u r b a n quality. This result was replicated in the Heidelberg study. Although 'urban quality' can be defined in very different ways, it will be understood in this context as a multi-dimensional construct, in line with Liu's a r g u m e n t s (1974). It encompasses diverse aspects of the town and u r b a n life. In the Heidelberg study, participants were asked to rate 13 such aspects. Findings are displayed in Table 7. Highly-identified participants consistently assessed u r b a n quality in more positive terms. Exceptions are the housing and employment situation, although a tendency in t h a t direction was found. This exception appears plausible at first sight, since it is acknowledged t h a t these areas are generally regarded as problematic. However, if it is considered t h a t the quality of the environment is often surrounded by the largest differences in opinion, the obvious plausibility of this explanation has to be qualified. It m a y be the case t h a t environmental problems are regarded by 'high identifiers' as those problems which plague other towns and regions, r a t h e r t h a n their own. This m a y not be quite so true for the housing and

TABLE 7

Total identification by perceived urban quality

Aspects of the town Identification Significance

low high

Housing 1.85 2-03 N.S.

Employment 2.55 2.67 N.S.

Shopping facilities 3.36 3.77 p < 0.05

Traffic 2.45 2.92 p < 0.05

Leisure and culture 3.38 3.78 p < 0-05 Educational facilities 3.97 4.22 p < 0.10 Environment (pollution) 2.67 3.34 p < 0.0001 Medical and social care 3.80 4.20 p < 0.01

Average 3-00 3.37 p < 0-001

(Means: 5 = very good, 1 = very poor. Factor levels: low (n = 66), vs. high (n = 64).

Local political engagement

A f u r t h e r area which m a y offer insights into the relevance of local identity and identification is the relationship between identification with the town and local political activity. Winter and Church (1984) propose t h a t a highly-identified individual is also more likely to be involved with the concerns of their town. Although this issue was not investigated directly in the studies described here, t h e y never- theless included variables which provide suggestive evidence with respect to this relationship. As a p a r t of the questionnaire respondents were asked to rate their general satisfaction with local government and local politics. Figure 2 displays the results of an analysis of variance (ANOVA) which used general identification (high/low) and perceived urban quality (high/low) as independent variables. Satisfaction with local politics was the dependent variable. The analysis yielded two significant m a i n effects, but no interaction. People with a positive outlook on u r b a n quality were more satisfied with local govern- m e n t effort t h a n those who held a comparatively negative opinion about the town. Similar findings emerged for high as compared to low identifiers. In addition, high identification led to greater satisfaction with local politics. It m a y be concluded from these results t h a t local identification and positive evaluation of u r b a n quality exert a similarly strong influence on satisfaction with local government. It has to be borne in mind t h a t the direction of causal- ity would still need to be clarified. With respect to the question raised above concerning local political activity it could be concluded t h a t high identification should be inversely related to political activity if satisfaction is interpreted as an indicator t h a t less subjective importance is a t t a c h e d to changes or participation.

Development of urban-related identity