This paper analyses the dynamics of family farming in Cerro Largo, Uruguay, especially in the borderline region with Brazil, through the study of the social, economic and cultural organization of the family production units. The emphasis is on the social reproduction strategies of these family farmers. The research fits into a border social context, signed by the consequences of modernization of the productive structure of the country. Among the consequences of the agricultural policies applied from the 1970´s in Uruguay, there is an increasing concentration of the the land and the means of production, and a sharp fall of the number of family farmers. Uruguayan agro currently experiments the emergence of a new business sector, linked mainly to forest crops and rainfed agriculture, with a strong presence of foreign capital. This new entrepreneurship is into the context of the traditional, fundamentally linked to livestock production. Meanwhile, a set of family farms remain active and resist their complete disappearance. Some of the diverse strategies that the family farmers use to remain living and producing in the countryside are: the exercise of pluriactivity, the practice of self-consumption, the economic benefits of the residence on the border with Brazil, and government financial transfers.
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This investigation is about security regulations. The ultimate objective is to reduce incidents and accidents that may occur in companies that are contractors, specifically those that are located on the northern border of Coahuila, Mexico. This through the search for a regulation that contains the guidelines and minimum requirements within the legislation included in the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States, applicable laws, the Federal Regulations for Occupational Safety and Health, and corresponding Mexican official regulations. To carry out this analysis we use the plan–do–check–act (PDCA) method. Thus, based on the review of each of its stages, a better analysis was carried out on the safety regulations that are intended to be achieved.
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There are additional implications of economic activity concentration in terms of affecting the labor market. On one hand, fi rms require workers to live in geographic areas nearby, in these areas land rents increase due to the industrial agglomeration. To attract workers into a particular industry, fi rms must compensate workers for such increased costs by paying them relatively higher wages (Diamond and Simon 1990 ver version anterior?). On the other hand, the maquiladora industry has evolved over the last three decades from using practically unskilled labor to more skilled labor as more sophisticated production techniques have evolved (Vargas 2001). This in turn has positively affected worker’s wages for the skilled labor force. Empirical evidence for the Mexican economy supports the hypothesis that the real- location of economic activity to the north has positively impacted workers’ wages. Mendoza ( 2001 ) investigates the effects of agglomeration (concentration) on the manufacturing sector of the northern border cities. One of his fi ndings indicates that globalization has created a shift of manufacturing activities from Central Mexico (Mexico City) towards the northern Mexican border region. He found a positive and strong correlation between industrial agglomeration and wages for workers in the manufacturing sector. Similarly, Cardenas ( 2002 ) fi nds evidence of an asymmetric geographic location of the manufacturing industry, with a high con- centration in the Northern Border States, concluding that northern states pay higher wages relative to the rest of the country. Furthermore, international empirical evi- dence indicates that areas with high industrial concentration levels generally exhibit higher wages and in general higher levels of per-capita income (Izraeli and Murphy 2003 ) .
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Sexual practices during the last six months ap- peared more prevalent in the Mexican sending commu- nities than in other geographic contexts. The majority (70.9%) of the MMIs arriving to Tijuana from Mexican sending regions had engaged in sex in that context during the last six-months. About 42.8% of the MMIs returning voluntarily from the US to Mexico and almost a third of MMIs deported by the US Border Patrol (31.7%) had engaged in sex during the last six-months in the US. In contrast, an estimated 21.7% of MMIs traveling from other Mexican border regions report- ed sexual practices in this geographic context during the six months previous to the survey. Regardless of the geographic context, the majority of MMIs who had vaginal sex, did so with regular partners (76.3-94.0%). Rates of unprotected vaginal sex with regular partners ranged from 75.4% to 85.5%. Substantial rates of vagi- nal sex with multiple sexual partners among MMIs in the Mexican border region and in the US were also esti- mated. Among MMIs who had vaginal sex, the preva- lence of last six-month vaginal sex with casual partners ranged from 7.2% in Mexican sending communities to 26.3% in the Mexican border region. Unprotected vag- inal sex among subjects who had vaginal sex with ca- sual partners was lowest in the US (30.6-50.6%), second lowest in the Mexican border region (60.9%) and the highest in the Mexican sending communities (85.2%). It is worth mentioning that, among MMIs returning voluntarily from the US, an estimated 22.2% of the sub- jects who had vaginal sex with prostitutes, had unpro- tected vaginal sex with these partners. Among MMIs traveling from their communities of origin, the esti- mated percentage of unprotected vaginal sex with pros- titutes was 16.1%. No unprotected vaginal sex with prostitutes was reported by MMIs deported from the US or traveling from other border regions. Overall, 5.2% to 11.0% of all MMIs who had vaginal sex, did so with both regular and non-regular (i.e. casual or prostitute) partners. Among them, the percentage that had unprotected sex with both types of partners ranged
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Objective. To assess the prevalence of intestinal parasitic infections among children in highly deprived areas, and its possible association with demographic and socioeconomic indicators. Material and Methods. From March to Sep- tember 1998 in a convenience sample of 32 communities of the border region of Chiapas, Mexico, selected at random based on the level of poverty and distance from the com- munity to the nearest health care unit (<1 hour; 1 hour or more), one of every four households with children under 15 years of age was randomly selected to provide three stool samples from their children (n 1478). Bivariate and multivariate (generalized linear models for correlated bina- ry data) analysis were performed. Results. The global pre- valence of intestinal parasitosis was 67% (95% confidence interval [CI] 64-70%). Sixty percent had multiple parasites. The prevalence of Entamoeba histolytica/E dispar was 51.2%, that of Giardia lamblia 18.3%, and that of Ascaris lumbricoides 14.5%. Multivariate analysis showed that age and speaking an indigenous language were significantly associated with the presence of E histolytica/ E dispar and Giardia lamblia.
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Another aspect is the issue of reporting dis- parity in the same border region, although the commitment of CERESTS for the municipal- ities to notify them was verified. In addition, there are two information systems in the SUS, one in Rio Grande do Sul (SIST), and the other in the Brazilian context (SINAN), which give greater visibility to this disparity, since the sys- tems present many different numbers. Likewise it should be taken into account that data from Social Security and the Ministry of Labor are restricted to formal work and the information produced by these bodies does not translate into Vigilance in Workers ‘Health. Therefore, to think about the Workers’ Health Surveil- lance on the borders requires the construction of a registration system and a flow of workers in the region, in order to observe the trend of work, study, health and other information, as well as contemplate the notifications of health problems for these workers.
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“One nation under God, indivisible, with liberty and justice for all.” The closing clause of the United States’ Pledge of Allegiance; Observed by All Americans, with hand upon breast, citing Sacred Oath to a Nation that Asserts Undivided Equity. From schools to town halls to congressional sessions, this Phrase is uttered with Solemn Veneration — yet, for the Black child; constituent; congressional member, there is Anomaly. Glar- ing schism - somehow, Simultaneously: ‘American’ — yet, Not. National Decree falling Short of their Melanin. A Border within Border; those of African-American descent Embodying the schizophrenic divide of Amer- ican Fealty severed betwixt Racial Reality. Echoes of Illusive Concepts: ‘Liberty’ and ‘Justice’, left Unrealized, reverberating beyond National- ity, into Black Society, Economy and Geographical Context. This paper Delves into their Unique Crisis: The Perilous Lines etched between Citi- zenry and Ethnicity in a Not yet United States — the Dual-Life of the Afri- can-American. And the Ramifications that follow when Habitually Forced to Choose between either state. From Societal borders demarcated by Race versus Allegiance; to the Economic Divergences associated with Black Net Worth and Income; to the Physical borders of Procedural Redlining and the absorption of Black communities through Gentrification.
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Partiendo de la reseña, el canino es raza Border Collie, lo cual coincide con los estudios de susceptibilidad realizados por Craven y Washabau en el año 2019, que concluyen que esta raza es genéticamente predispuesta a sufrir EPP. Por otra parte, las manifestaciones clínicas más comunes de LI son diarrea y pérdida de peso. Generalmente, la presentación inicial está relacionada con los signos asociados a hipoalbuminemia (Tams, 2004). Este reporte concuerda con los hallazgos observados en el presente caso clínico, en el que el paciente presentó diarrea crónica, pérdida de peso progresiva, ascitis, edema de conjuntiva, edema de miembros y la panhipoproteinemia.
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Keywords: cross-border mobility, cross-border work, lifestyles, Basel. Resumen: En torno a dos millones de personas trabajan en un país distinto del que residen. Aunque a nivel europeo los trabajadores transfronterizos constituyen una parte minoritaria de la población activa, en algunas regiones el trabajo transfronterizo tiene un peso importante. En tales regiones, el trabajo transfronterizo tiene numerosos impactos sobre el territorio y la población en términos de alojamiento, movilidad o poder adquisitivo, debido en especial a las diferencias salariales entre algunas regiones fronterizas, como entre Suiza y sus países vecinos. De hecho, Suiza es el país de Europa con el mayor número de trabajadores transfronterizos. La investigación sobre las regiones transfronterizas se ha concentrado fundamentalmente en los aspectos macroscópicos, como la integración económica o la cooperación transfronteriza, obviando parcialmente los efectos que el trabajo transfronterizo tiene sobre los territorios y sus habitantes. Este artículo se interesa a la relación entre trabajo transfronterizo y otros aspectos de la vida cotidiana, como el consumo o el ocio, y de forma más general a las condiciones de vida de la metrópolis trinacional de Basilea. Para ello, se ha realizado un estudio de los habitantes del área metropolitana de Basilea, en la cual el trabajo transfronterizo está largamente extendido – utilizando une metodología mixta con la realización de 15 entrevistas, seguidas de una encuesta cuantitativa (1615 individuos). Los resultados muestran que trabajar o no al otro lado de la frontera en Suiza tiene un fuerte impacto en las condiciones de vida e influencia la intensidad y/o el destino de las prácticas transfronterizas (ocio y consumo). Mientras que los trabajadores transfronterizos tienden a favorecer Suiza, este país es financieramente menos accesible para el resto de la población. El análisis de los modos de vida de los habitantes también pone de relieve dos problemas ligados al trabajo transfronterizo a los que hace frente la metrópolis trinacional de Basilea y que pueden generar tensiones en la población local, a saber 1) las grandes diferencias en las condiciones de vida entre los trabajadores transfronterizos y el resto de la población 2) el gran uso del vehículo particular por parte de los trabajadores transfronterizos.
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region; the dorsal ornament consists of much larger tu- bercles within the regions and coarser and denser, general dorsal granulation; the dorsal surface invariably presents a smaller mesogastric region, with more elongated anterior extension; less developed urogastric region, which is usually bilobed and not fused with the epibranchial; the well-defined triangular epibranchial portion in Navarrahomola n. gen. is not seen in Zygastrocarcinus. Additional differences are confirmed by Z. waagei Feldmann, Schweitzer and Green, 2008 which was diagnosed (Feldmann et al., 2008b, p. 503) as having the maximum width in the posterior third of the carapace and being only moderately vaulted transversely and longitudinally, with the anterior portion of the meso- gastric region with a long process; these characters do not correspond with Navarrahomola n. gen. In addition , in the illustrations (Feldmann et al., 2008b, figures 1B-C), the front is clearly advanced, beyond the epigastric lobes, and partially visible in dorsal view, whereas in Navarrahomola n. gen. the front turns down at the level of the upper margins of the epigastric lobes. Homolopsis edwardsi Bell, 1863, the type species of the genus, exhibits a flatter carapace, with the maximum width at the level of the epibranchial region, which is extremely salient; a narrower front, which is axially advanced, fairly projecting beyond the epigastric lobes; a more complex set of dorsal grooves, which are deeper; the epigastric lobes are more discrete; the epibranchial region stouter, not divided into portions and more laterally salient (see Collins, 1997, p. 57). All species currently assigned to the genus Homolopsis (see Collins, 1997; Schweitzer et al., 2004) show similar characters which clearly differ- entiate them from Navarrahomola n. gen. The carapace of Latheticocarcinus shapiroi Bishop, 1988, the type species of the genus, a very small form, is widest at the epibranchial region, posterior to the cervical groove, and the dorsal sur- face is weakly convex in longitudinal section. The front is broad, subtriangular and downturned, as in Navarrahomola, n. gen., but clearly advanced and fairly well visible in dorsal view (see Crawford et al., 2006, figure 4). The dorsal regions and grooves in Latheticocarcinus are easily distinguished from Navarrahomola n. gen. by its peculiar cervical groove, which is oblique, nearly straight at the lateral margins, medially intersecting the well-marked branchiocardiac groove (while in Navarrahomola n. gen. is arched); the mesogastric region is relatively narrow in Latheticocarcinus, fairly inflated and divided at the base, weakly differentiated from the urogastric lobe, which is extremely short, with two differentiated swellings and a slight depression at the axis (while in Navarrahomola n. gen. is fused to the anterior
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Señala el autor al respecto, “…the issue of the perception of individual entrepreneurs of cross-border economic integration has rarely been considered the focal point of the analyses on economic integration. Attention mostly tends to focus on the history or the (macro economic) pace and potential gains of European (economic, monetary and political) integration (see, e.g. Tinbergen, 1991) (1998:7)”. En este sentido Van Houtum coincide con Oliveros cuando éste señala que, “…la frontera es un concepto y una realidad compleja, pero que siempre constituye un espacio de actuación compartida, escenario de una densa trama de relaciones económicas, sociales y culturales, pero un espacio cuya delimitación, por lo mismo de existir allí una relación dinámica, sólo puede ser establecida en forma aproximada y transitoria, constituyendo su esencia el carácter cotidiano de dicha relación, la heterogeneidad de situaciones que en ella se constatan, su equilibrio momentáneo, y, consecuentemente, su permanente evolución en el espacio y en el tiempo” (2002).
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Cuando el escenario ya no es Latinoamérica sino Europa, como en El amor es mucho más…, o El ejército neonazi del amor (2006) y El Hombre Polar regresa a Stuttgart (2010), se instala un nuevo interrogante respecto de las imágenes de lo border y sudaca que se producen desde los textos cucurtianos. Lo border y sudaca supone una interpelación permanente respecto del lugar de la lengua. Según Josefina Ludmer (2010), los relatos de migración de sudamericanos al Primer Mundo proponen la narración del pasaje de la nación a la lengua, dejando entrever las relaciones entre territorio y lengua, nación y lengua, exilio y lengua, patria y lengua, imperio y lengua, mercado y lengua. La identificación entre la lengua y la subjetividad migrante conduce una textualidad que interpela de manera constante qué acontece en el pasaje territorial de la lengua, es decir, cuando esta pierde un territorio y debe hallarse otro constituyéndose una experiencia no solo lingüística sino afectiva y política. Ludmer observa que con la migración, la pérdida de un territorio es sucedida por un movimiento de descenso o caída al subsuelo de la lengua, como límite de los afectos, límite lingüístico e interrogante respecto de umbrales de representación. Se trata de la transformación en nadie y la representación de lo que se pierde: Cucurto ya no es el escritor laureado sino una sombra que opera en los subterráneos de Berlín.
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“Juan Pablo” lives in Reynosa with his parents, in a “colonia.” In Mexico, colonias are clusters of makeshift homes, often just corrugated metal shacks over dirt floors, with little or no water, sewer or other utilities, that house the poorest of the poor. Juan Pablo has nine brothers and sisters; most of them work in the maquiladoras in Reynosa. Juan Pablo, who had just turned 18 when we spoke with him in The Port Isabel [Adult] Detention Center, says he made the journey across the Rio Grande approximately 40 times in search of a better life in the United States. His goal was to live and work with his uncle in Missouri, who has a job in a chicken processing plant. He started crossing the border when he was 12, and each time he was caught by Border Patrol, repatriated to Mexico, and sent to the DIF shelter in Reynosa to be picked up by his mother. He never stayed at the DIF shelter for more than a day, never spoke at any length with a social worker or psychologist while he was there, and was never offered any counseling or other support services after he left. Nor did the DIF offer any services to his parents that might help them prevent Juan Pablo from continuing to cross the border. Instead, his mother would collect him, a DIF employee would tell her that she needed to get him to stop, and she would respond that she had tried, but could not control him.
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date of either Ipiales or Tulcan. The Rumichaca was the natural border between the Royal Audience of Quito and the Audience of Popayan. Despite being attached to a northern city, the government of Pasto was physically isolated from the rest of colonial Colombia, which was called New Grenada. It was Quito who had ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the whole province of Pasto, to which it had to answer. This was a very important fact because Pasto and Quito were physically connected through, what today is, the Pan-American Highway, and the cultural and social development of the Province of the former was headed towards the latter. It was here, in the Rumichaca, along the Guaitara River, where the de facto border between the provinces of Popayán and Quito was. The most important aspect of this period is the strong roots that grew among the population towards the Catholic Church. The Nariño Department and the Carchi region were strongholds of royalists who had a very high respect for the king and the indigenous groups saw him (the king) as the benefactor who had granted them the lands in which they lived. Again, Ipiales and Tulcan were merely small towns that had strong participation in the commerce between Pasto and Quito. The colonial society was divided among different ethnic groups, with the Spaniards or Chapetones being the dominant ruling class. This is relected in the Pasto conception of power displacement from one point to another. The superiority of air over earth would be:
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In the French case (lower Figure 6), and as happened in Portugal, the proximity to the stations of the HSR network is one of the main factors determining the final percentage improvement. This is reflected in that higher percentage gains, in some cases above 25%, which are located in those regions with a better connection with the stations of the three cross-border planned links (through both frontier extremes and the one connecting with Tarbes). These observations are verified with the numerical results included in Table 2. Indeed, Bordeaux, Pau, Tarbes and Perpignan appear as those capitals with higher percentage increases (in all cases above 25%), whilst capitals located far from the planned HSR links, such as Rodez or Mende, have lower accessibility increases, with values around 15%. The resulting value of the average population-weighted accessibility improvement in southern France is 23.51%.
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Neither the schools’ efforts nor the physical proximity of the two groups seem therefore sufficient to produce the multilingual society one would expect in such circumstances; on the contrary, literature and observers of local everyday life (cfr. Egger 2001; Lanthaler 2006) speak of separate linguistic sub-groups which do not share contacts with each other and where “the language of the other is learned as if the other lived in a far away, unreachable country” (Baur 2000: 300). However, South Tyrol is not an exception. In fact, this is a well known phenomenon in regions where different linguistic groups live together and where bilingualism and interculturality are not per se taken for granted and do not normally develop on large scale, as shown by the situation described in Switzerland and in the region on the border between Germany and Denmark (Baur & Mezzalira & Pichler 2008: 35). The same thing also happens in Canada where, after twelve years of learning French, English-speaking pupils are not sufficiently competent to speak in their L2 with French-speaking Canadians (Baker 2006: 224).
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Primary drying is a complex stage that involves heat and mass transfer mechanisms, as well as ice sublimation. The following, widely employed, as- sumptions are made to reduce model complexity: (i) the frozen region has uniform heat and mass transfer properties; (ii) a continuous interface with infinitesimal thickness is considered between the frozen and dried layers; (iii) the matrix pore struc- ture is permeable to the vapor flux and it is not deformable.
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Mejorar la calidad de vida de la poblacion chivoreña, diseñando estrategias que permitan satisfacer las necesidades basicas de los habitantes promoviendo el desarrollo social del municipio con carácter gerencia, apuntalando como empresa publica viable, recuperando tejido social fortaleciendo indicadores de eficiencia y eficacia, apoyado en criterios eticos, y morales por la dignidad humana, el medio ambiente, los valores de equidad, justicia, solidaridad, identidad y responsabilidad social. VISION. En el 2019 Chivor sera un municipio productivo, copetitivo y sostenible, en la region y para la region, restableciendo el fortalecimiento educativo, turistico, agricola, minero, cultural y ambiental, mediante un gobierno de unidad, confianza, igualdad, equidad social, transparencia y partisipacion en su gestion
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