Competition -- Government policy -- Mexico.

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Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes in Mexico

Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes, and Policy Outcomes in Mexico

This paper uses a transaction-costs framework to link the policymaking process (PMP) and the outer features of public policies in Mexico, a middle-income developing country. It shows how a highly secretive PMP, centralized around the presidency, fashioned nationalist policies that were stable, adaptable, coordinated and private-regarding for the urban-based corporatist pillars of the regime. When growth faltered in the late 1970s, however, this PMP was unable to adapt to economic volatility, although it remained dominant in an increasingly turbulent polity. The paper explains how unified government and corporatist control of the economy made a constitutionally weak president the envy of executives around the world, even at the cost of being unable to enact reforms with short-term costs for the corporatist pillars of the regime. The article also explains why democratization in the 1990s is giving rise to a less centralized and more open PMP that benefits larger shares of the population. As the separation of powers enshrined in the 1917 constitution materializes, policymaking is increasingly wedded to the status quo. On the one hand, divided government preserves a macroeconomic framework consistent with an open economy (such as fiscally sound policies and a floating exchange rate). On the other, checks and balances are helping old and new parties and interest groups to veto agreement on the raising of chronically low tax rates (at 10 percent of GDP) and on reforming nationalist policies that limit private sector investment in the state-controlled energy sector.
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68 Lee mas

Keywords Competition policy · Gasoline · Gibbs sampling · Variance filter JEL Classification L13 · L59 · L71

Keywords Competition policy · Gasoline · Gibbs sampling · Variance filter JEL Classification L13 · L59 · L71

Acknowlegments We would like to express our thanks for comments and suggestions received from Joan Ramón Borrell, Javier Campos, Andrés Gómez-Lobo, Lawrence White, and two anonymous referees. We would also like to thank Augusto Voltes for his help in simulating the data using WinBugs, and Agustín Alonso and Beatriz Ojeda for their database work. Juan Luis Jiménez would also like to express his grati- tude for the support provided by the Programa Innova Canarias 2020, the Fundación Universitaria de Las Palmas (2009) and UNELCO-ENDESA, who acted as a sponsor. Jordi Perdiguero would like to express his gratitude for the financial support provided by the RECERCAIXA research program, ENDESA, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation (ECO2009-06946/ECON) and the Autonomous Government of Catalonia (SGR2009-1066). A previous version of this paper was published as Working Paper no. 478 in the Fundación de las Cajas de Ahorros (FUNCAS) collection.
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HABITAT III POLICY PAPER 5 – MUNICIPAL FINANCE AND LOCAL FISCAL SYSTEMS

HABITAT III POLICY PAPER 5 – MUNICIPAL FINANCE AND LOCAL FISCAL SYSTEMS

Understanding key actors in global fiscal governance begins with distinguishing the three major systems of governance in the developed and developing world where all actions occur: federal systems, unitary systems, and confederate systems. In federal systems, two levels of government share ruling authority, each reserving certain powers over areas of action and each possessing an inherent guarantee of power and autonomy for governance within these areas. Examples of federal governments are Mexico, the United States, and Australia (Riker, 1964: 11). In unitary systems, constitutional authority is vested in one sovereign national government, and any decision-making power vested in subnational governments is delegated from the national government (Norris, 2008: 9). The Republic of South Africa, Great Britain, France, and China provide models of unitary systems. xxvii In confederate systems, independent states delegate power to a central national government for specific purposes; the balance of authority resides with the confederate states. The three categories of governance structures can be subdivided by myriad features, including, most notably, varying degrees of devolution. Devolution is the selective decentralization of authority and transfer of responsibility for public functions from the central government to subordinate or quasi- independent government organizations (Norris, 2008: 10). xxviii Fiscal decentralization governs the degree of autonomy and flexibility actors in local government have to implement change within all three systems of governance (federal, unitary or confederate). xxix When local governments are tasked with new expenditure requirements, there must be a concomitant devolution of financial resources to support the expenditures, along with strong national government support of these principles (in policy and practice) that empower key actors in leadership roles to make decisions with true autonomy (Ezeabasili and Herbert, 2013: 2). xxx
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La política migratoria en tiempos de Obama: implicaciones en la frontera sur de México    Immigration policy in the Obama government: implications on the southern border of Mexico

La política migratoria en tiempos de Obama: implicaciones en la frontera sur de México Immigration policy in the Obama government: implications on the southern border of Mexico

Hasta el día de hoy, la Iniciativa Mérida ha entregado más de 1 400 millones de dólares en equipo, capacitación y apoyo técnico al gobierno de México para fortalecer su seguridad” (Em[r]

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A comparative analysis of political competition and local provision of public goods : Brazil, Colombia and Mexico (1991-2010)

A comparative analysis of political competition and local provision of public goods : Brazil, Colombia and Mexico (1991-2010)

Evidently, the most decentralized country is Brazil whose federal structure moved towards higher local autonomy early in the 1980s. Decentralization was deepened throughout the 1990s to the point that since 2004, Brazil has had the highest index of decentralization maturity. It also exhibits the most coherent decentralization in reference to political decentralization, expenditure assignment, sub-national taxation, intergovernmental transfers, and sub-national debt management (Daughters & Harper, 2007). Colombia occupies second place in decentralization maturity with their transition having begun in the early 1990s. The Worldwide Governance Indicators (WGI) of the World Bank offers us a first approximation to overall quality of these three democratic governments. The rankings in Table 7 are based on a total of 215 countries where a lower percentile indicates low capacity. Brazil occupies the best position in the average ranking of six dimensions over the period 1996-2011, followed by Mexico and lastly Colombia. Brazilian citizens perceive that they have more freedom to participate in and express themselves openly about government (voice and accountability). In contrast, Mexico surpasses Brazil in terms of government effectiveness and regulatory quality which means they have better perceptions of the quality of public service, civil service and overall policymaking. Nonetheless, Mexico is closer to Colombia regarding controlling corruption and the rule of law.
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TítuloThe Common Agricultural Policy and the EU budget: stasis or change?

TítuloThe Common Agricultural Policy and the EU budget: stasis or change?

Third, there was a mismatch on direct payments between the UK’s long-term vision for the CAP and its specific negotiating priorities. While the government argued that income support subsidies are neither desirable nor necessary, it ‘made it clear that phasing out such payments by 2020 is unrealistic, in both practical and negotiating terms’ (House of Commons, 2011a, p. 6). Instead the aim was for ‘a very substantial, transitional reduction followed by ultimate abolition at a later date’ (Defra, 2011b, para. 12). This chimed with the Environment, Food and Rural Affairs Committee’s recommendation for ‘a more pragmatic approach’ because ending direct payments ‘is unachievable in the short-term’ and sticking rigidly to this policy ‘reduces the UK’s ability to engage constructively with other Member States and could diminish the UK’s influence in this round of reform’ (2011b, p. 41). Essentially this recognises that while the UK does not like direct payments, most other countries do. In fact there are important voices in the UK who challenge the policy approach, which in many respects reflects a Treasury driven-agenda that is ideologically opposed to ‘subsidies’. The devolved adminstrations in Wales and Northern Ireland defend them, and stakeholders such as the National Farmers’ Union (NFU) are sceptical that they can be substantially reduced without having a substantial detrimental impact on the viability of many British farms.
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18 Lee mas

Developing knowledge workers in Mexico : problems and policy options

Developing knowledge workers in Mexico : problems and policy options

Using data on more than 260,000 students from 39 countries, the World Bank 2005a claims that "positive effects on student performance stem from ceni.ralized examinations and control mech[r]

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OECD ECONOMIC OUTLOOK: DECEMBER 1998

OECD ECONOMIC OUTLOOK: DECEMBER 1998

The authorities in China are also facing the difficult challenge of undertaking essential structural reforms in the face of slowing domestic demand and the external drag from the economic downturns in other Asian countries. The structural problems of China’s economy, especially the weak financial system and the loss-making state enterprise sector, have led to a gradual slowdown in growth over the past two years and are further threatening medium-to-longer-term growth prospects. With inflation now virtually eliminated, the authorities have moved to ease monetary policy by lowering interest rates and increasing banks’ liquidity. However, the impact of this stimulus has been substantially blunted as banks – burdened with non-performing loans and pressed by supervisory authorities to apply sound commercial standards to their activities – have become increasingly reluctant to lend in 1998. Consumption spending has been lagging because urban households have become very cautious in the light of massive layoffs from state enterprises and the phasing out of cradle-to-grave socialist welfare for state workers. Structural reforms to address these problems were at the heart of the ambitious reform programme announced early this year by the government. The programme included financial reforms: to recapitalise the banks; to write off their bad debts to the state-owned enterprises; and to tighten prudential and supervisory standards. Another key element was a three-year programme for restructuring the state enterprises by encouraging mergers and acquisitions, developing shareholding, and relieving enterprises of their social welfare responsibilities such as housing, health care and pensions.
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México : reformas pese a un gobierno dividido = Mexico : reforms despite divided government

México : reformas pese a un gobierno dividido = Mexico : reforms despite divided government

2007 was the first year of Felipe Calderón, of the National Action Party, as president. The new government made the fight against organized crime a priority, relying on the army instead of civil police forces for the task. Three important changes to statutes were successfully negotiated between president and parties: the civil servants pensions law (to cut a bubbling deficit in public finance); the creation of new taxes (a slight increase, but for the first time in decades, in government’s revenue capacity); and an electoral reform (as a result to the post-election crisis of 2006). We also review local elections held in 14 states, in which the Revolutionary Institutional Party won back some positions it had lost in the recent past.
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Airline route structure competition and network policy

Airline route structure competition and network policy

This paper studies pricing policies and route structure choices by carriers with market power in a network setting and in the presence of congestion externalities. We account for passenger benefits from increased frequency, passenger connecting costs, airline endogenous hub location and route structure strategic competition. The analysis shows that an instrument directly aimed at regulating route structure choice may be needed to maximize welfare, in addition to per- passenger and per-flight tolls designed to correct output inefficiencies. This holds true even when the regulator is does not face any constraint on pricing.
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15 Lee mas

Competition and market structure of the banking sector in Mexico

Competition and market structure of the banking sector in Mexico

Currently, other investigations use the Lerner index employing different approaches. The work by Huang, Chiang and Wao (2016) proposes a simultaneous stochastic frontier model based on copulas, the model is comprised by a frontier of costs and two price product frontiers. Their results suggest that banks can direct their production to the bank with the greatest potential measure of the Lerner index to obtain greater profit. Phan, Daly and Akhter (2016) study the relation between banking competition, banking concentration and the efficiency of the banking sector in six Asian countries using two types of the Lerner index. They find that banking competition has a positive effect on efficiency while competition has a negative effect. By investigating the influence of change costs in banking for the three biggest banks of the Eurozone, Egarius and Weill (2016) study if the change costs have an impact on the market power measured by the Lerner index. It is concluded that there is a positive relation between the change costs and the market power. To evaluate the effect of competition on the creation of liquidity by the banks, Horvart, Seidler and Weill (2016) conduct an estimation using a dynamic data panel with GMM on a database of banks in the Czech Republic in the 2002-2010 period. They find that a greater competition measured by the Lerner index reduces the creation of liquidity.
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21 Lee mas

Technological Development of Priority Tourist Destinations and Maging Towns

Technological Development of Priority Tourist Destinations and Maging Towns

Access to the internet and the use of digital technologies, boosts economic growth and improves the provision of tourism services. Currently, more than 40% of the world's population has Internet access, while 7 out of 10 households in the poorest 20% have a cell phone, which in turn facilitates the participation of women in the labor market and the inclusion of people with disabilities and the way people use their leisure time and the exchange of information between economic agents (World Bank, 2016a). Notwithstanding the above, the effect of technology on productivity has not increased and inequality increases due to the development of more specialized skills, so only countries that adapt to the digital economy can participate in the increase of dividends. In order for technology to become the basis of economic development, it is necessary to strengthen a prosperous business climate with a qualified workforce, the political will of the government, an ideal legal framework for global economic dynamics, and the operation of companies with inclusion, efficiency and technological innovation.
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Trade and investment policy preferences and public opinion in Mexico

Trade and investment policy preferences and public opinion in Mexico

In addition, we use aggregated data at the municipal level. The rationale is that sociotropic evaluations need not necessarily take the national level as a reference population. Individuals could just as well consider the average economic performance of their own localities or units larger than the nation. Since FDI flows heavily into the manufacturing sector in Mexico, we examine the relationship between the percentage employed in manufacturing (MANU) and FDIPPs. Individuals living in municipalities with high percentages employed in manufacturing should, all else equal, see the benefits of FDI for their communities and have more positive attitudes toward it. At the same time, we control for the municipal percentage unemployed (UNEMPLOY) when modeling both TPPs and FDIPPs, for two reasons. First, high local unemployment is in itself a reasonable basis for a sociotropic assessment. Second, we want to guard against the possibility that any effect we identify for manufacturing
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E Government and Online Government Citizen Interaction

E Government and Online Government Citizen Interaction

Contrasting with this view, a much broader definition has been suggested (Dawes 2004), defined as the extensive use of ICTs in all government functions to support government operations, engage citizens, and provide services. The main purpose of e-government would be making the public sector's activity more efficient and save public resources, achieving better governance. While this view encompasses online public services, the focus here shifts to the use of ICTs in the "inner workings" of government (Mayer-Schönberger and Lazer 2007). The literature on this perspective of e-government have analysed the organisational and structural changes of the public sector with the intensive use of ICTs, its efficiency and performance (Osborne and Gaebler 1992), and the challenge of institutional change and technology enactment in public organisations (Fountain 2001), among others.
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As argued by Hiscox (2002), the degree of inter-industry factor mobility is “crucial for understanding the political-economic origins of a vast range of trade, monetary, industrial, and regulatory policies that affect the relative fortunes of different industries or mediate the effects of other exogenous changes upon them” (p. 5). According to the author, one can link the type of conflict surrounding these policies to the levels of factor mobility found within an economy. If factors are mobile across industries, the redistributive effects of trade will divide individuals along class lines: the relevant policy cleavage would be among owners of different factors (i.e., capital vs. labor). Conversely, if factors are immobile across industries, openness divides individuals along industry lines, promoting industry-based rent-seeking (i.e., owners of same factors in different industries against each other).
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Confronting poverty in Mexico: an overview of social policy

Confronting poverty in Mexico: an overview of social policy

Strategies Historically, the Mexican Governrnent has concentrated its efforts to alleviate poverty in general social prograrns which seldorn had a specific population target and which we[r]

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TítuloLos acuerdos de precios en la banca

TítuloLos acuerdos de precios en la banca

Columbia Business Law Review Columbia Law Review Contemporary Politicy Issues Consumer Finance Law Quarterly Report Conttrato e Impresa Competition Policy Newsletter Consejo Superior Ban[r]

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TítuloThe role of market power in economic growth: an analysis of the differences between EU and US competition policy theory, practice and outcomes

TítuloThe role of market power in economic growth: an analysis of the differences between EU and US competition policy theory, practice and outcomes

For Romer (1990), the creation of innovations is equivalent to incurring a fixed cost, and once they are produced, they can be used at no additional cost. Technological innovations are partially excludable and non-rival goods. The costs incurred to produce new goods are recovered provided they are sold at a price higher than their marginal cost of production. Therefore, endogenous innovation cannot occur under price-taking competition. The investment in capital goods that embody innovations depends on the ability of investors to recover their investment. A certain degree of market power is needed for investments to occur, thus for technological progress to spread through society. Romer (1994) posits that endogenous growth theory has allowed economists to take account of two evident facts on innovation: the endogenous nature of technological progress and the existence of market power and monopoly rents stemming from innovations. As noted by Shapiro (2011), ‘we would not expect to see atomistic market structures in industries that have experienced significant technological progress, and we may see high levels of concentration in markets that have recently experienced significant innovation’. A notable policy implication of endogenous growth models is that imperfect competition is needed to support the accumulation of knowledge through discoveries and the spread of technological progress through investment in capital goods. Firms are incentivised to invest provided they expect temporary monopoly rents in the form of mark-ups over competitive prices or higher market shares. For these reasons, a policy only aiming to increase static efficiency would hardly succeed in providing firms with incentives to invest in new technologies and products.
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Competition Policy is a diverse, complex field. Its scope runs from sophisticated economic techniques to detailed legal procedures, and from the psychological factors involved in a dawn raid to the sleuthing skills required in the design of a sound research strategy. However, above all the rules and topics that structure Competition Law, the aim – i.e. the main objective – is essential to understand how it is applied and, more important, why it is applied, in what context and to what extent. Accordingly, the following pages discuss the aim of Peruvian Competition Policy, for the understanding of the basis of our competition law, and so, for a deeper comprehension of the study and discussion of particular institutions of Peruvian Competition Law. This article discusses what the Competition Act and the Competition Authority in Peru have assumed as the goal of Peruvian Competition Policy, drawing some concern on its adherence to the classic – and somewhat surpassed – Chicagoan notion of efficiency. The article supports the defense of efficiency – under a liberal «consumer welfare» approach – as the only proper aim for Competition Policy. Finally, it proposes a systemic relation between Competition Policy and other public policies with harmonic or discordant goals.
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La aplicación de la política de «vuelta a los barcos» en Europa: una lección de Australia

La aplicación de la política de «vuelta a los barcos» en Europa: una lección de Australia

Throughout the five years «turn back boats» policy by the Australian government, the asylum seekers in this country in difficult situations. The implementation of this policy resulted they were experiencing abuse. Moreover, they experienced a variety of violence since their efforts to reach offshore up to in the detention centers. This all affects their mental health. In applying this «turn back boats» policy, humanitarian values are being ignored, the countries do not fully apply the convention on refugee law. Instead, these countries make their own internal policies and definitions of refugees in dealing with asylum seekers. This is likely to violate the rights of refugees as set out in the Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees, which is as the foundation of international refugee law.
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