Apart from the description of the (re)contextualizations of the scientific finding analyzed, some methodological problems have been revealed which are worth mentioning for future research. The lack of equivalence of the newspaper sections where the popularizations appear has limited the possibility of ascertaining whether this contrastive feature is due to an imbalance in the kind of narrative used in popularizations in each culture, or to the kind of narrative that newsworkers and readers expect to find in the Science and the Society sections of the newspaper in each case. This lack of symmetry will have to be dealt with in further cross-cultural research. The good news is that, as the number of newspapers which have specialized science sections and the number of science articles in the press increases (Hyland 2010:118), the visibility of popularizations in ad-hoc stable sections is also more frequent (as is the case of El País now), which suggests that methodological problems of this kind may be minimized in the future for the analysis of this genre.
This is a quantitative methodological development study on the cross-cultural adaptation of the “Family Needs Questionnaire” (FNQ), which is a structured instrument developed in the United States to measure the perceived needs of family members after the Traumatic Brain Injury (TBI) of a relative. This instrument aims to identify important needs presented by family members, whether met or not. The FNQ translation and adaptation followed a particular method, which permitted to achieve semantic, idiomatic, cultural and conceptual equivalence of the instrument version labeled in Portuguese as “Questionário de Necessidades da Família”. The results of the questionnaire application to 161 family members showed that the instrument content is valid to measure the needs of families of patients with TBI in the Brazilian context.
As a western ecofeminist reading Chinese and Taiwanese women’s contemporary literature, I had to acknowledge the near-impossibility of becoming fully literate in the multiple contexts within which these texts have been produced—contexts that are simultaneously gendered, literary, historical, cultural, ecological, economic, and sexual. As a cultural outsider, I can point out some (but not all) of the themes that signal the transitions powered by “globalization from above” (Appadurai), or the influence of U.S. culture and economies on Asian literary contexts. I can shape questions about the meaning of the literary themes I observe, and their implications for social and environmental justice, but my answers may only be as reliable as my own partial knowledge about the multiple contexts in which these characters and stories develop. At the same time, I can explore the uses of cross-cultural feminism, highlighting women’s oppression based on narratives of women who are cultural “insiders,” and through literary criticism, build theoretical frameworks for feminist solidarity, effectively “globalizing-from-below.” With other feminists working on issues of global feminism, I can challenge narratives that would legitimate women’s oppression on the basis of cultural traditions.
Accordingly, several inspiring examples of cross-cultural studies can be found in the litera- ture, being the range of phenomena covered significantly varied: Garfield et al.  focused on hunter-gatherers and report on the cross-cultural occurrence of different modes and processes of social learning in distinct cultural domains from the ethnographic record; in the work of Sorokowska et al. , the authors focused on basic taste preferences in three populations (Polish, Tsimane’ and Hadza), covering a broad difference in diet due to environmental and cultural conditions, dietary habits, food acquirement and market availability; finally, the research by Reyes-Garcı´a et al.  is also an insightful cross-cultural analysis of three subsis- tence-oriented societies: the Tsimane’ (Amazon), the Baka (Congo Basin) and the Punan (Bor- neo); in it, they found that variations in individual levels of local environmental knowledge (both culturally transmitted and individually appropriated) relate to individual hunting returns and self-reported health but not to nutritional status, a paradox that is explained through the prevalence of sharing (individuals achieving higher returns to their knowledge transfer them to the rest of the population, and therefore no association between knowledge and nutritional status is found).
Close to Duro Ladipo’s nativized Eda, an adaptation of John BunyaN’s Everyman is Wale Ogunyemi’s Eniyan. Other Nigerian plays in this category include, Ola Rotimi’s The Gods Are Not To Blame, which is an adaptation of Sophocle’s Oedipus Rex, Olanipekun Esan’s Esin Atiroja, an adaptation of the Trojan Horse; and Femi Osofisan’s Tegoni, an adaptation of Sophocle’s Antigone, while his Who is Afraid of Solarin? and One Legend Many Seasons, to mention a few, are adaptations of Nikolai Gogol’s The Government Inspector, and Charles Dickens’s novel, Christmas Carol, respectively. The observable intertextuality, no doubt, is a clear indication of inter-cultural influences. Besides, Femi Osofisan’s dramaturgy shares a common ideological boundary with the Brechtian epic theatre. Again, this is another proven case of instances of cross-cultural influences and correspondences.
Secondly, there are relevant differences among the cultural context to which the students belong, even those included in the EHEA, and these may affect the learning process, its outcomes, and, more specifically, the students’ perception about them (Fitó-Bertran et al., 2015). Some of the important limitations to previous research stem from the fact that it has been mostly based on the Anglo-Saxon context (Faria & Wellington, 2004), and there is a scarcity of comparative studies on different cultural contexts (Chang et al., 2003). Some important exceptions could be mentioned, like the study by Chang et al. (2003), Tinney, Bentley and Chia (2005), and Madni (2013), but none of them developed cross-cultural comparisons among different cultural contexts to determine the similarities and differences when perceiving the effectiveness of business games. In this regard, we think that this comparison would be especially relevant in the European context, where the studies are scarcer, and there is a tension between the homogeneous trends on education promoted by the EHEA, on one hand, and the different cultural contexts that already coexist, on the other.
The similarities between The Tribulations of a Chinaman in China and La ciutat de la por illustrate the importation of a certain frame of representation. Both works share the starting point, as we meet the main character in the depths of his existential crisis. And they also share the subsequent plot de- velopment, the truth about which we will only find out later on: a (secret) intervention of a wise friend will enable the main character to regain the joy of life through a series of adventures that will become the actual leitmotiv of the novel. Yet Crespi adapted this theme to the Catalan context: it is a young Catalan man who travels to China in order to experience in reality what he had read about in fiction. The cross-cultural journey highlights the social condition of a young bourgeois Catalan man who seeks in China what he has lost in his becoming an adult and having to assume the responsibilities at his father's factory. Compared to The Tribulations of a Chinaman in China, then, La ciutat de la por stresses even more the inaccessibility of a China that has become unreachable in a contemporary world that makes traveling easier.
Cross-cultural counseling can therefore be defined as psychopedagogical intervention based on a metatheory which: a) recognizes that all counseling approaches and theories are developed in a specific inter-active context; b) refers to inter-action in which two or more participants come from different cultures; c) includes any combination of the techniques involved in a culture; d) is characterized by professional assistance with the knowledge, skills and attitudes that are culturally appropriate; e) recognizes the use of western and non-western approaches in assistance; f) the changes involve not only the introduction of cross-cultural counseling programs but also the inclusion of this approach in the curriculum and in all dimensions of the educational system such as teaching techniques, motivation, grouping, student assessment and teacher training.
Researchers and clinicians now have at their disposal a bladder cancer-specific HRQL instrument for use in Spanish patients that is applicable across the wide spectrum of this disease. Our results suggest the multi- dimensionality of the Spanish BCI version, and provide considerable evidence about its appropriate metric properties, including responsiveness to health changes over time even in patients treated with non-invasive techniques. Comparison with the original U.S. version shows that it is similar in reliability and validity, suggesting that the cross-cultural adaptation method followed has yielded an equivalent Spanish version. Moreover, proofs supporting the BCI as a valuable tool for assessing HRQL in patients within the whole blad- der cancer spectrum are strengthened by the demon- stration of its appropriateness in a different language and culture  and reinforces its usefulness for inter- national studies.
Quantitative results from the Wilcoxon Signed-Ranks tests showed that there were no significant differences between the pretest and the posttest in overall CCS ratios [Z = -0.14; p > 0.1]. However, although the results were not significant, there was a slight improvement in CCS (difference = 0.33%), so we can say that there is a trend of slight improvement. More participants will be needed in order to obtain statistically significant corroboration of this trend. These results are in consonance with previous longitudinal studies that have re- ported a limited or non-significant improvement in CCS aspects during SA programs (Bloom & Miranda, 2015; Goldoni, 2013; Kinginger, 2013; Masgoret, Bernans & Gardner, 2000; Salisbury, An & Pascarella, 2013; Schartner, 2016; Van de Berg, Onnor-Linton & Paige, 2009; Wilkinson, 2000). With regards to the Cross-cultural Sensitivity Subscales, results also revealed no significant differences between the pretest and the posttest. Nevertheless, a trend emerged, whereby two of the subscales, Attitude toward others, and Cultural integration, progressed from the pretest to the posttest (3.20%; 6.24% respectively), while the other subscales did not exhibit the same development. These results imply that the SA experience enhanced students’ attitudes towards the Mexican community as well as their integration in their culture. However, students did not substantially improve their CCS, as evident in a decrease in behavioral aspects, their cross-cultural empathy and their intellectual interaction with the Mexican community.
Cross-cultural studies, even when employing different methods and strategies for investigation, have in common the fact that they are interested in the existing variability of behavior in different societies or cultural groups. They use it as a way to identify the dimensions of specific behaviors in each culture and those that can be generalised to other cultures as well. On the other hand, they try to explain the variability based on theories about cultural differences. Therefore, cross-cultural psychology is “the study of similarities and differences in individual psychological functioning in various cultural and ethnic groups, of the relationships between psychological variables and sociocultural, ecological and biological variables and of current changes in these variables” (Berry, Poortinga, Segall, & Dasen, 1992, p.2).
When conducting studies about Millennials and the workplace, most authors focus on national profiles and trends. However, some countries have diverse cultures within their population, deeming such a study limited. In response, it would be far more valuable for studies to provide a breakdown of results, taking into account key factors. In the case of Ecuador, Millennials are expected to have different views towards the workplace based on their socio-economic level, provincial identity, field of study and gender. A crosscultural national study was planned, but first an original instrument was designed and tested.
Cultural relevance (meaningfulness) may be another significant confounding factor in cross-cultural neuropsychological testing. Items developed in a particular cultural context do not have the same relevance when translated to another culture. Spelling out words (frequently included in the Mini-Mental State Exam) is not used in languages with phonological writing systems (such as Russian, Italian or Spanish), and hence it is perceived as an artificial task. In many world cities, people get oriented using cardinal points (North, South, West, and East) but in no way is this strategy found in every culture. I personally do not know where is North, South, West, and East in my Colombian hometown simply because I never used it. People in Barcelona (Spain) use to spatial directions: “toward the sea” and “toward the mountain”. People in Colombia frequently use “up” and “down”, referring to the numbering system, but “up” and “down” in Guadalajara (México) mean “from downtown” and “toward downtown”. The Picture Arrangement subtest from the Wechsler Intelligence Scale may have different levels of difficulty in different cultural contexts, depending on the familiarity with the story’s elements. Something may be obvious in a culture, but unusual and weird in another.
ras o naciones. Este procedimiento se ha dividido en dos fases principales: (a) estableci- miento de validez y equivalencia de datos y (b) establecimiento de equivalencia de mues- tra y administración. Como se anotó, antes de realizar un estudio cross-cultural, el investigador puede verse influido por alguno de los enfoques antes explicados (es decir, el enfoque émico, ético o émico-ético). La elección de una perspectiva u otra dependerá de los objetivos de la investigación y de las restricciones que enfrente ese investigador. Sin embargo, independiente de estas restricciones u orientaciones, el investigador debe comprometerse a incorporar el mayor rigor posible en el estudio. En particular, y en relación con los estudios normalmente incluidos en la investigación cross-cultural de acuerdo con la clasificación del cuadro 1, una perspectiva combinada émica-ética es la más apropiada. No sólo para enfrentar los problemas sicométricos mencionados, sino para descubrir aspectos específicos de las culturas investigadas, que de otra manera pasarían inadvertidos. En todo caso, en el cuadro 2 se presenta una comparación de los distintos pasos involucrados en una investigación cross-cultural para cada uno de los tres enfoques teóricos examinados. A continuación, se explican los pasos de acuerdo con el enfoque combinado émico-ético, que por definición también incluye las fases presentes en los otros enfoques (véase cuadro 2).
But there is more than a relationship of analogy between allusion and cross-cultural subjects, for allusion, more particularly intercultural allusion (that is to say, A’s allusion while addressing B to elements proper to the conceptual framework of B’s culture), may be used by such subjects to construct for themselves identity narratives which have the pragmatic goal, among others, of brokering their acceptance by the culture they happen to find themselves in at any given time. Identity narratives are presentations in the sense indicated by Erving Goffman, for whom such presentations of identity were “dramaturgical” (1959: 240): the process of establishing identity in society is a “performance” or “dramatic realization”, conditioned by setting and audience, which an “actor” executes to achieve some particular goals at a given moment (1959: 17, 30); or, as Thomas Hobbes wrote as long ago as 1651, “a person, is the same that an actor is, both on stage and in common conversation” (1996:106). It is important to realise that no performed or presented identity is coterminous with, or identical to, a person’s most essential, irreducible, intimate and, so to speak, “real” identity, if such a thing exists at all (something which Goffman would have denied). As Jenny Diski puts it, “we are actors or con artists . . . who walk into discrete situational frames and become whatever will get us through” (2004: 10). Thus, we may deliberately present different identities at different times, in different contexts, and to different people by, for example, switching dialects, idiolects and allusive frames of reference, all of which are deictic of that sociocultural identity or persona we wish to display in the particular context. Acceptance is won by establishing social and/or cultural parity between ourselves and our current interlocutors, a parity which is grounded in our positing a cultural frame of reference which we assume our interlocutors share and to which our allusions, among other things, refer. To achieve this relationship of parity, we play down some aspects of our identity and play up others, and it is this pragmatic gauging of the identity we present to the context we are in which allows us to conceive of identity as a narrative constructed for the pragmatic purposes of social and cultural interaction and acceptance. And, as Goffman argued in Stigma, the pressure, the need to perform palatably, to produce acceptable identity narratives, to pass oneself off as “normal” is greater among those who are in some way or another marginalized by noticeable disparity (1963: 42- 44). Thus it is that allusion to elements in C2’s cultural framework may be deployed for pragmatic purposes by C1 subjects in the construction of their narrative identities.
tube display. The results show consistent responses across cultures only for warm/cool, heavy/light, and active/pas- sive. The like/dislike scale, however, showed some differ- ences between the observer groups, in particular between the Argentinian responses and those obtained from the other observers. Factor analysis reveals that the Argenti- nian observers preferred passive colour pairs to active ones more than the other observers. In addition to the cultural difference in like/dislike, the experimental results show some effects of gender, professional background (design vs. nondesign), and age. Female observers were found to prefer colour pairs with high-lightness or low- chroma values more than their male counterparts. Observers with a design background liked low-chroma
Cabe decir también que los datos obtenidos son puntuales hasta una cierta fecha; la cultura de un país no es algo estático, sino que se va modificando con el tiempo y está expuesta a influencias, tanto internas como externas, por lo que el mapa cultural obtenido para una determinada nación en un momento concreto puede resultar bastante diferente al de un momento posterior. Por tanto, habría que monitorizar esa evolución realizando periódicamente nue- vas evaluaciones, de forma que los distintos gráficos o mapas que se obtengan permitan disponer de una visión actualizada de la cultura de las naciones, así como de una perspectiva dinámica de la evolución de la cultura en las mismas.
The cultural dimensions that were shown previously were really helpful and useful for developing this project. Thanks to them, we learnt which are the main aspects and actions that should be done or avoided, depending on the situation and the country we have in front of us. Moreover, taking into account other small details is as important as the main and most obvious cultural differences. For example, being a bit cautious with the negotiations or meeting gifts or putting more effort on discovering the problems that an advertisement could cause, such as the Nike one.