Human rights activism and advocacy focus on the violations and deprivations suffered by in- dividuals andsocial groups, without necessarily understanding the economic policies that help generate such problems. Strategies for the realiza- tion of equitable enjoyment of economicandsocialrights often fail to grapple with the potential constraints, posed by the current structures of the global economy, on the achievement of those rights. Without an understanding of the ways that neo-liberal economic polices, at national and international levels, contribute to the viola- tion of human rights, human rights activism may be reduced to uphill battles to defend mini- mal protections. Without an understanding of the alternatives to neo-liberal economic policies, human rights advocates may be left without adequate strategies to change the environment that leads to human rights violations. A better understanding of economic policies and processes is particularly relevant to struggles to achieve equal economicandsocialrights for all. Such an analysis can help identify and clarify the sites of negotiation and struggle needed to bring about improvements in economicandsocialrights, especially for those who are most deprived. This analysis is the stock in trade of heterodox economists.
On my visits overseas, I am sometimes astonished by a civil society’s fluency and familiarity with economic, socialand cultural rights. In some countries, civil society groups actively organise around these human rights. In Peru, they recently demonstrated in the streets demanding that the trade agreement with the United States must not jeopardise access to essential medicines for those living in poverty. Access to essential drugs became a significant issue in the recent presidential elections in Peru. They are not yet demonstrating in the streets of London, but later this year a British non-governmental organisation is publishing the first book-length audit of economicandsocialrights in the United Kingdom. 
The second point to highlight is the importance of the recent economicand political cli- mate in which the various stakeholders interviewed operate. It was noted in section 4.2 that the economic recession had impacted on individual Member State in different ways. The politi- cal, economicandsocial climate, and the implications of this climate for stakeholders at EU and national level, is critically important to understanding how these stakeholders interpret and respond to tensions, and the constraints that shape their actions. At EU level, the ETUC participant used the example of the right to strike to highlight what she perceived as hostility towards socialrights within the broader global climate and cited a deadlock in the supervisory system of the International Labour Organisation on the issue of the right to strike to show that global trends and pressures shape experiences of and responses to EU level tensions. At EU level the EU Rights Clinic also placed EU issues into a broader global context. The participant noted the lack of attention that is given by many migrants rights NGOs to EU migrant workers. Mobility within the EU is often not considered to be ‘migration’ by some NGOs, and yet, within current political discourses immigration and EU mobility are increasingly conflated. Such politi- cal discourses may be starting to have implications for the manner in which Member States interpret, implement and enforce EU law with the potential for new vulnerabilities for EU mi- grant workers. According to the Migrant Rights Clinic respondent, the fact that these are two distinctive areas where different rules and instruments apply is put into question by the prac- tices of some Member States. Definitional ‘shifts’ and underlying tensions therefore relate to the way in which such organisations see each other under a changing global political climate.
Equally terrible are extra–judicial executions. Reports given by the Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions to the Human Rights Council make for sorry reading and clearly indicate the impunity with which some States carry out extra–judicial killings, which are nothing short of State sponsored murder. The victims are usually those who either commit a heinous crime and a conviction is difficult to establish or persons who are believed to be hardened criminals without any possibility of reformation and rehabilitation. On occasion, when called upon to do so by the human rights commission or a similar authority, the justification given by the State is one of self–defence, that is to say that the victim needed to be shot (or killed) because a grave danger was posed to the life of the law enforcement authori- ties at that moment. This excuse is really a fig leaf or an attempt to cover up a cold–blooded murder. Human rights activists have been concerned by such extra–judicial executions and fake encounters but little has been achieved by way of stopping such killings.
44 It is necessary to underline an important fact in Majorca; its relation with tourism (Velasco, M. 2002) due to its importance in the economy, the labour sector and society, the continuous change of politics from “left wing” to “right wing” views are very present and influence the tourist policies greatly. Some authors Koening-Lewis.N & Bichoff. E. (2010) and . Martín, J. M., Jiménez, J. D. & Molina, V. (2014). indicate that there are considerable consequences and affect opening permissions of business, land-use planning, urban upgrading, etc…This affects strongly and creates legal andeconomic insecurity for certain investments in the islands.
All companies, regardless of the sector they belong to, can positively or negatively impact human rights. Governments are increasingly aware of the benefits that free trade brings their nations, which has led them to do whatever is necessary to attract foreign investment, even if it means to act against the interests of their own people. The power relationship between corporations and states generates a tension derived from their nature: while the objective of states is the welfare of its members, the purpose of corporations is profit. It is in the crack generated by the collision of powers and purposes between these two actors, that this article is intended to raise the discussion on the need to establish an international framework for corporate liability for human rights violations. To achieve its goal, the article will analyze the opportunities and obstacles raised by the exercise of extraterritorial jurisdiction in the American context and its relationship with the developments in the business and human rights field.
Agroecology potentially offers a sustainable path to agricultural development as it integrates ecological principles andsocialandeconomic concerns into agri-food systems. While many descriptive studies have documented the experience of farming communities using agroecological approaches, evidence on socialandeconomic indicators of agroecology is poorly documented in a quantitative sense. The present study aims to build a framework and provide a quantitative overview of the effects of adopting selected agroecological practices at the farm level. A literature review has been conducted in order to identify scientific work addressing the contribution of agroecology to a set of socio-economic indicators, which affect human, financial andsocial assets. Data extracted from 17 peer-reviewed papers were analysed using two techniques: vote counting and general linear mixed- effects models on effect sizes. We found preliminary evidence of agroecology ’ s positive contribution to improving financial capital. However, data extracted does not provide meaningful information on other capital endowments (human andsocial). This is mainly due to the fact that there is a lack of data concerning the socio-economic impact of agroecology. In addition, qualitative methods (e.g. Q- methodology) should be integrated into further research in order to capture farmer perspectives.
In this document China recognized that climate change has brought substantial threats to the natural ecosystems as well as the economicandsocial development of the country. However, as support for China’s individual vision, its National Plan for Coping with Climate Change cites the “historical responsibilities” of industrialized countries, in conjunction with the principle of “common but differentiated responsibilities” of the UNFCCC, and its relatively low-ranking position among per capita emissions. Concerning the control of greenhouse gas emissions, this plan includes a target of reduction of energy consumption per- unit GDP of 20 percent by 2010 compared to that of 2005, a rise of the proportion of renewable energy (including hydropower) by 10 percent for 2010, the freezing of the emissions of nitrous oxide from industrial production at 2005 levels, and an increase by 20 percent of forest coverage rate by 2010 from 2005 levels. These objectives were welcome but they are so ambitious and the periods of implementation so short that they would appear very difficult to achieve.
Futhi is one of the 18.5 million women worldwide, and one of the nearly 10.5 per cent of pregnant women using urban prenatal clinics in South Africa, who are infected by HIV. The roots of Futhi’s infection start with marriage—a husband who works in the mines, is away a good deal, and has unprotected sex with prostitutes. But there was never a question of leaving him, since she is unable to earn enough on her own to support her two children. Thanks to South Africa’s progressive reproductive health policy, Futhi has access to a caring reproductive health clinic nearby. Yet, though she learned about condoms from the clinic nurse, she was afraid to suggest them to her husband for fear he would call her promiscuous and beat her. Besides, Zulu culture tells women to accommodate their husbands’ desires. Then Futhi discovered she was pregnant and HIV+ and faced the dilemma of what to do. In South Africa abortion is a woman’s right for any reason during the first trimester. Nurses at the prenatal clinic have warned her she cannot breastfeed the new baby without great risk of infecting it with HIV, and there is not yet safe drinking water in her township to use for bottle feeding. She has heard there are drugs that can prevent HIV transmission to the foetus, but these drugs—made by US-based pharmaceutical companies—are too expensive for the economically pressed South African government to buy on the world market. Faced with threats of punitive sanctions under existing patent treaties, the government has declined to seek or authorize local manufacture of cheaper versions. But even if the transnational drug companies lower their prices for African countries, the drugs will still probably cost too much for Futhi, and South Africa’s inadequate health care system will lack the capacity to distribute them. So advanced drugs cannot protect Futhi’s baby or assure her a longer life to care for her children. Apparently, abortion is her only “choice”. Luckily, in South Africa at least it is a choice.
Summarised in a nutshell, we will argue that ‘finance-dominated capitalism’ and ‘neo- liberalism’ have caused redistribution at the expense of the labour income share through several channels and have also contributed to increasing inequality in household income. Given that aggregate demand and capital accumulation, and hence growth, in most of the economies examined here have found to be wage-led in recent empirical research, this should have had a depressing effect on economic performance. However, in some countries, in particular in the US, the UK, Spain, Ireland and Greece, the emergence of a debt-led consumption boom, based on the effects of ‘financialisation’ on consumption mentioned above, was able to (partially) compensate for the depressing effects of redistribution at the expense of labour and weak real investment associated with ‘financialisation’ on aggregate demand and hence on growth. Other, export-led mercantilist economies, in particular Germany, Japan, Austria, Belgium, the Netherlands, Sweden (and the catching up China), managed to free-ride on the demand generated by the debt-led consumption boom economies and derived there growth mainly from export-surpluses in the face of relatively weak domestic demand in these countries. This constellation generated highly unbalanced current accounts at global and regional (European) levels, based on increasing household debt-income ratios in the debt-led consumption boom economies, and it collapsed in the course of the Great Recession. Therefore, neither the debt-led comsumption boom nor the export-led mercantilist models have shown to be sustainable. A viable recovery strategy will therefore have to be wage- or income-led, and we will argue that it should be embedded in a Keynesian New Deal at the global and the European level which addresses the three main causes for the Great Recession: the inefficient regulation of the financial sector, the increasing inequality of income distribution and the imbalances at global and regional (Euro area) levels.
To achieve this, as we have indicated previously, it is essential to have experts, who are greatly absent in the coverage of a technical issue such as energy. In the current analyzed case, both politicians andsocial movements managed to mark the terms of the debate on oil permit surveys and set the limits of the argument centered on the opposition to permits. This happened because some newsroom performed by their typical journalism role in the media agenda, and others by demonstrating their public opinion strength. The news media reproduced the narratives offered by politicians andsocial groups and, and as result, both were fundamental for the promotion of the interests of these groups, one opposing the oil surveys, and the other for the construction of its identity against the common enemy. Although Sampedro (1997) highlighted how the media dilutes social protest by abiding by the journalistic rules that tend to validate the political class, in this case by aligning most politicians against oil survey permits, the message of the organizations was reinforced and amplified in the news media.
I have discussed these diagnoses elsewhere (for example Sen, 1999). Contrary to cultural stereotypes, the histories of different countries in the world have shown considerable variations over time as well as between different groups within the same country. When, in the twelfth century, the Jewish philosopher Maimonedes had to flee an intolerant Europe and its Inquisitions to try to safeguard his human right to stick to his own religious beliefs and practice, he sought shelter in Emperor Saladin’s Egypt (via Fez and Palestine), and found an honoured position in the court of this Muslim emperor. Several hundred years later, when, in Agra, the Moghal emperor of India, Akbar, was arguing — and legislating — on the government’s duty to uphold the right to religious freedom of all citizens, the European Inquisitions were still going on, and Giordano Bruno was burnt at the stake in Rome, in 1600.
La inquietud por los problemas ambientales es un tema más reciente, que data de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, lo cual tiene un momento crucial en 1992, en Río de Janeiro con la conferencia de las Naciones Unidas sobre “Medio Ambiente y Desarrollo” y cuyo objetivo fue elaborar una estrategia común para el desarrollo sostenible entre todos los países miembros. La Agencia 21 fue el resultado principal de la Cumbre de Río y constituye un programa de acción, de cómo la sociedad debe adaptarse de la mejor manera a las condiciones de la naturaleza, integrando los temas ambientales con otros de carácter social y educativo. Igualmente plantea que esta debe ser una tarea priorizada de todos los gobiernos y de toda la sociedad (Tabares & Tamayo, 2017).
Th e third conclusion is most relevant to the lessons that need to be drawn from an examination of the origins of the growth failures in many poorer countries, particularly in Africa. Institutional weaknesses and civil strife played an important role, but these cannot be analysed in isolation from the economic conditions prevailing in those countries. Th e prevalence of both growth failures and internal conﬂ ict seems to have been greatest among countries that are mineral exporters as compared with agricultural and manufactured goods exporters. Still, it cannot be concluded that growth collapses and conﬂ ict are the direct result of a dependence on revenues from natural resources. Th ere must be other mechanisms at work, such as a weakening social contract and a withering State capacity. But the abundant availability of easily lootable mineral resources or illicit drugs can cause or perpetuate civil wars and conﬂ icts. Th e very wealth that is producible in a short period of time by their exploitation can exacerbate social inequality and political conﬂ ict, including divides between the central Government and the local interests in the areas where the resources are located, or among diﬀ erent regions in one country. If strong institutions are not in place to resolve these issues right at the start of exploitation, violence can erupt and, in general, existing diﬀ erences within society can be exacerbated if it is felt that the wealth is not being distributed justly. One of the major research ﬁ ndings of the present report is that this particular manifestation of the “natural resource curse” can be averted if countries have strong institutions that are able to manage and defuse conﬂ icts.
The first concept that contributes to the understanding of financial inclusion andsocial innovation is social entrepreneurship. This concept can be explained as all those new projects that focus on social issues or as a set of actions that seek to improve the population’s social needs (Perrini, Vurro & Constanzo, 2010). Furthermore, other authors explain social entrepreneurship as activities seeking to create social value either by creating value in society or by strengthening issues of social concern via business activities, i.e. actions that provide solutions to social problems (Dacin, Dacin & Tracy, 2011; Weerawardena & Mort, 2012; Witkamp, Raven & Royakkers, 2011). In addition, it also stands for a set of tasks that pursue social improvement through poverty reduction and the creation of opportunities for the disadvantaged (Maak & Stoetter, 2012). It is important to highlight that social entrepreneurship is regarded as a part of social innovation (Witkamp et al., 2011). The foregoing definitions are associated with philanthropic activities carried out by foundations, which are entities promoted by individuals seeking to improve society and create social change.
The rights mentioned in article 25 of the Covenant are principally reserved to citizens, although States may grant them also to non-citizens. This increasingly happens at the local level with regard to immigrants who live in a country for a certain period of time. Other rights which are relevant to political life are construed as accessible to everyone, whereby citizenship does not play any role (see chapter II, section C.1, of the present publication). The Human Rights Committee has referred on various occasions in this context to the freedom of association, the freedom of assembly and the freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art or through any other media of one’s choice. More often than in the past, contemporary constitutions specifically establish freedoms relating to political parties. Taking into account the role of political parties in the political mechanism of a State, the freedom to establish, join and leave political parties, as well as the right of parties to act freely, should be guaranteed by the constitution of the country. As a rule, constitutions do not allow political parties to conduct activities which are incompatible with the democratic order.
plots, or accept protected areas on traditional lands. Moreover, by failing the goal of collec- tive land rights recognition, the accumulated experiences of mobilization, advocacy and participatory mapping can end up serving particular and competing interests between and among communities, thus creating ten- sions and further divisions. By providing an extremely interesting and well supported point, Caddy’s article stimulates common property researchers, theorists and practi- tioners to carry out further thinking and comparative research. At the same time, by observing that “common property theorists have embraced the important contribution that can be made by traditional ecological knowledge and Indigenous management re- gimes, this acceptance has not been univer- sally paralleled in other socialand political systems. (…) many states (especially in de- veloping countries) nevertheless continue to believe that individual ownership is the only progressive option. Communal ownership systems are regarded as antiquated means of land use and tenure, thus retarding ef- fective development”, it also provokes com- mon property specialists to question: why do the results of common property theory and practice have such a hard time in penetrat- ing more deeply into academic curricula and political agendas? Would it not be time to engage more actively in politically oriented
In the last 40 years, the liberal thinking has been accepted and introduced into economic theory. This paper deals with the analysis of the potential incompatibility between liberal thinking and the Economic, Socialand Cultural Rights (ICESCR). We argue that, with minor exceptions, the ICESCR have not been appropiately considered in the economic theory. Consequently, considering economicrightsand theory as incompatible subjects is a steril debate. It is compulsory for researchers and policy makers to open a productive discussion, leading to valid solutions in both matters.
seems to have been reached concerning the desirable social policies to be imple- mented in an era of globalization. Some northern-based initiatives for global social reform have been seeking to mod- ify the free play of global market forces with appropriate global social policies of international regulation. However, they have met with understandable but frus- trating opposition from many southern governments and some southern-based NGOs andsocial movements. For exam- ple, a proposal for a set of social policy principles was rejected at the Geneva 2000 conference, on two grounds: they might become a new conditionality imposed by the North, and no money was forthcoming from the richer coun- tries to help implement such principles. Discussion at the UN Commission on Social Development in February 2001
Esta dimensión relativa a las Inversiones, el marco jurídico en el que se realizan, las grandes entidades que las propician, y todo lo que conllevan, me parece del mayor interés. Vid., sobre ella, v. gr., LI, T., “What is Land? Anthropological Perspectives on the Global Land Rush”, en http://www.cornell- landproject.org/download/landgrab2012papers/li.pdf ; DE SCHUTTER, O., “How not to Think of Land-Grabbing: Three Critiques of Large-Scale Investments in Farmland”, The Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 38, 2011, pp. 249-279; FRIENDS OF THE EARTH, EUROPE, Farming Money. How European Banks and Private Finance Profit from Food Speculation and Land Grabs, en http://www.foeeurope.org/farming-money-Jan2012; NIASSE, M., “Transactions Foncières Internationales à Grande Échelle et Enjeux de la Sécurité Alimentaire. Le Monde en Alerte!, Paserelles, vol. 13, (4), 2012, pp. 7-9 ; DEININGER, K., “Challenges Posed by the New Wave of Farmland Investment”, Journal of Peasant Studies, vol. 38, 2011, pp. 217-247 y CARASIK, L., “Legacy of a