Human faeces may contain a range of disease-causing organisms, including viruses, bac- teria and eggs or larvae of parasites. The microorganisms contained in human faeces may enter the body through contaminated food, water, eating and cooking utensils and by contact with contaminated objects. Diarrhoea, cholera and typhoid are spread in this way and are major causes of sickness and death in disasters and emergencies. Some ﬂy species (and cockroaches) are attracted to or breed in faeces, but while they theoreti- cally can carry faecal material on their bodies, there is no evidence that this contributes signiﬁcantly to the spread of disease. However, high ﬂy densities will increase the risk of transmission of trachoma and Shigella dysentery. Intestinal worm infections (hookworm, whipworm and others) are transmitted through contact with soil contaminated with faeces and may spread rapidly where open defecation occurs and people are barefoot. These infections will contribute to anemia and malnutrition, and therefore also render people more susceptible to other diseases. The intestinal form of schistomiasis (also known as bilharzia), caused by parasitic worm species living in the veins of the intesti- nal tract and liver, is transmitted through faeces. Its complex lifecycle requires the faeces to reach water bodies where the parasite larvae hatch, pass a stage in aquatic snails and then become free-swimming infective larvae. Infection occurs through skin contact (wading, swimming) with contaminated water.
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These natural disasters interrupted the workings of the spaces where thousands of children and adolescents live and develop. The rights of children to an adequate standard of living, health care, education and recreation were seriously affected by putting them in a vulnerable situation that could lead to violence and insecurity. In response to what happened, Save the Children implemented a humanitarian response plan to reduce the impact of the earthquakes and help with the recovery processes. The plan included providing basic services and essentials, infrastructure, protection, containment and alleviation of suffering, building resilience capacities, and restoring children’s rights. This report presents the work we carried out the year following the implementation of the Humanitarian Response program, starting with the general objective, the scope of the population, the areas of intervention, an outline of the initial situation, and the plan and strategy we implemented based on the situation, followed by an overview of the development of intervention sectors: Education in Emergencies, Child Protection, Water, Sanitation and Hygiene, Housing, Infrastructure, and Livelihoods, presenting the actions carried out in each one and the scope of participants.
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During conflicts and natural disasters large quantities of pharmaceuticals are often donated as part of humanitarian assistance. Undoubtedly many of the pharmaceuticals save lives and alleviate suffering, but some donations given by well-meaning but uninformed people may cause problems. Pharmaceuticals may arrive past or near their expiry date, may be inappropriate for the needs, be unrecognizable because they are labelled in a foreign language or may have been sent in unwanted quantities. Donated pharmaceuticals with a long shelf-life may be mismanaged, particularly in the confusion during and after armed conflict or a natural disaster. Staff and storage space may be lacking and the pharmaceutical management system in disarray. Such problems also occur when drug donations form part of development assistance. Smaller quantities of pharmaceutical waste may accumulate in the absence of emergency situations, due to inadequacies in stock management and distribution, and to lack of a routine system of disposal. Safe disposal of these unwanted or expired drugs often creates a major problem.
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Ecuador is a developing country located on the Pacific coast of South America, where a population of approximately 16.7 million people is spread over 256,370 km 2 . For many years, the FRIs ( e.g., police, fire brigades, and public or pri- vate health services) worked separately, and each institution had a different phone number, which also varied from region to region. Not all the institutions were available 24/7, and only the police owned a voice trunking network covering most of the country regions. In general, the response effort from the FRIs was redundant, which strained the available resources and increased the cost by deploying more resources than necessary. In the case of disasters or large scale emergencies, there were multiple calls to each institution requesting for help, which increased the time to respond and was difficult to coordinate. Land-line and cellular-phone calls were the only way to request for help in case of an emergency, and new technologies were not integrated. Although each institution made a significant effort to provide with the best service to the community, the lack of coordination and a unified command was preventing FRIs from performing their duties effectively. These problems prompted the Ecuadorian Government to form a multidisciplinary team in order to research how to use ICTs and develop management models for an E-911 service in Ecuador, which led to the ECU 911 proposal. This team visited relevant PSAPs in North America, Europe, and Asia, in order to design and determine the best possible solution for Ecuador. During these visits, the team collected relevant information about procedures, technologies, and successful cases from the analysis of PSAPs. These cases were care- fully investigated according to the Ecuadorian realities, such
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In addition to natural and technological disasters, risk communication covers humanitarian, health and food crises, etc. This discipline is defined as the research discipline that studies the actors, communication processes, messages and effects on the audience in the contexts of crises, disasters and emergencies, regardless of the nature of their cause (Slovic; Weber, 2002). We are immersed in the so-called Risk Society, in which scientific and technological progress has exponentially multiplied risks with respect to previous times (Beck, 2002, p. 42). Most of these events generate occa- sional media interest linked to the moment of greatest impact of the emergency and forgetting the chronic triggering phase (Ardèvol-Abreu, 2015, p. 44). A discipline that currently takes on special relevance when examining an individual’s perceived understanding of risk (Wrench, 2007, p. 64). In this context, the media expresses its social responsibility in making decisions about which news to offer, with what approach and with which information sources to use. In chaotic crisis scenarios, communication, in its broadest sense, must contribute through its informative messages to save lives and mitigate damage (Mayo-Cubero; Lavín; Gallardo-Camacho, 2017). From the theoretical perspective of framing, journalism has an outstanding role: it must adequately frame the crisis in order to collaborate in its solution and restore confidence under political leadership (Andrew et al., 2018, p. 249). In crises, the journalist should apply an informative logic that avoids the spectacularization, sensationalism and emotional hyperactivation of the audience (Souza-Mayer- holz; Martínez-Ravanal, 2011, p. 75). As for the informa-
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Starting from the premise that fear cuts the phenomenological worldview in two, home is seen as safe while outer is dangerous. The intimacy of others, exhibits the role played by politics to exacerbate some events while others are ignored. Zizek envisages that once a disaster obliterated a community, the reasons behind the events are covered in order for the status quo not to collapse. Lay people appeal to solidarity and charity to help others, but this not only is not enough, unfortunately aggravates the problems. The conditions that facilitated the disasters are not solved. Disasters not only show the worse of societies but give the condition to material asymmetries, which are triggered by capital, to be perpetuated. Although Katrina showed the misery of US, media portrayed another discourse. Wasp’s racism reappeared on agenda in US declaring the inferiority of blacks to live harmoniously in moment of emergencies. Whatever viewers were experiencing would be a supposed explanation about the aggression inherited to blacks. This tactics of blaming the victims, Zizek adds, are enrooted into the language which amplifies the contrasting differences between self and other. The false urgency combined with a cynic charity, are two of the points Pia Lara does not see in her development. Zizek argues convincingly that remains a hermeneutic circle between dominated and dominators; moral disasters are only the results of these ties.
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La tecnología SABO se aplica con éxito en Japón en zonas con fuertes pendientes y corto recorrido como las que tenemos en las laderas de la capital limeña. La propuesta fue expuesta como plan de acción peruano en la 3ra edición del curso internacional “Disaster Management for Landslide and Sediment-Related Disasters (triggered by heavy rainfall, earthquake and volcanic activity), organizado por la Agencia de Cooperación internacional del Japón – JICA.
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Several concerns besides the missing data must be addressed with EM-DAT. First, it is difficult to assess and compare the quality of the sources, especially for earlier events. The multiple sources also account for occasional repeated entries for events, and it is not always obvious whether two entries with small differences are indeed duplicate. Moreover, different sources emphasize different data: reinsurance firms likely provide better damage estimates, but they are based on claims, while UN agents have more encompassing assessments of damages and affected population. Thus, different data sources have different strengths (and perhaps systematic biases). Additionally, some data series may be more informative than others about the true dimension of the event. This is especially the case if measurement error differs across measures.
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Cost reduction within a FM environment is powered through investment in better management. Precisely, in corporate business, one big share of the costs comes from the use of “places”, maintenance of equipments, power consumption and amenities’ wearing. Thus, the optimization of these elements is key to improve economic performance. Maintenance processes are increasingly important to extend the life cycle of assets and avoid failures and incidents that cause a high cost to organizations, both on the asset downtime and subsequent involvement in the business, as well as the cost of repair, which is almost always higher than maintenance costs.
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In this section a placebo test is performed in order to corroborate the hypothesis that the disaster increases the chances of reelection of the incumbent party. So far, data on affected population corresponds to victims of the first rainy season, which goes from the second semester of 2010 until April of 2011. However, after the election took place on October of 2011, a second rainy season occurred. Although it was less intense and severe than the first one, it also caused damage and high levels of victimization. For the placebo test, the number of victims per capita from November of 2011 through June of 2012 is utilized. Consequently, V ictimsAf ter is interacted with the Post2010 dummy variable, in order to estimate an specification equivalent to (1). If the mechanism proposed in this paper is correct -that disaster affectation implies an inflow of resources that can be used for buying votes-, no effects on the probability of reelection should be found after estimating this new specification. Victimization after the election should have no impact on the probability of reelecting the incumbent party, because any relief allocated for new victims is ex-post to campaigning.
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Of course, the greater density and exposure of people and economic activities to hazards needs not become a disaster, especially when households and communities have adequate preparations. Safely built housing and strong physical infrastructure reduce (physical) vulnerability, as does the ability to evacuate communities during a cyclone, which is a sign of institutional strength. If the hazard turning into disaster cannot be prevented, credit and private savings from borrowing schemes with friends and neighbors kick in to absorb the event’s impacts, as well as transfers from relatives. Governments and donors provide relief, emergency medical assistance and temporary shelters. However, private and public mechanisms for managing disaster risk hardly ever fully protect households from adverse impacts. Natural hazards can still bring about death, injury, disruption of socio-economic activities and damage or destruction to property, crops, livestock, natural resources and other physical assets, pushing people into sudden poverty.
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Many environmental disaster narratives also employ comic, ironic and satirical strategies which make a rather ambiguous contribution to the ecological message. Although catastrophic literature is often grounded in the model of tragic drama (Groh et al. 16; Walter 16f.), we can differentiate between a tragic and a comic frame of the apocalypse, drawing on a distinction that Greg Garrard (95) introduced into ecocritical discourse. The two frames differ in their “mechanism of redemption”: in the tragic frame it is “victimage” and sacrifice recompensating guilt, while in the comic frame it is “recognition” of failure and error (O’Leary 68). While tragedy ends with a definitive catastrophic conclusion, in comedy, time is “open-ended and episodic” (Garrard 95), providing the possibility of rethinking, self-correction, and survival through accommodation (Meeker 168). While both modes of environmental apocalypse can serve as –optimistic or pessimistic – vehicles for ecological warnings, the comic mode can also relieve the reader of responsibility. When fictional characters escape by the skin of their teeth, the disaster may not have been as bad as it first seemed. Such narratives resonate with popular opinion regarding environmental doom, so long as it has not struck in the global centres of wealth.
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Conceiving a safety net well before a disaster strikes is likely to render various benefits at short notice, including the provision of relief and rehabilitation assistance to those affected by a variety of adverse events, whenever and wherever they may occur, protecting long-earned gains in well-being. Most safety nets programs have traditionally targeted the chronic poor and safety nets for natural disasters are relatively underdeveloped. But there is growing interest in using safety nets to help avoiding post-disaster famine and in assisting affected households and communities protect and rebuild their assets. Cash transfers, both conditional and unconditional, workfare programs, and in-kind transfers are some of the available instruments. It makes sense to prepare for better design and swifter and more equitable and consistent deployment after disasters, and the key preparatory step is to build country capacity to deliver cash transfers or execute public works after natural disasters. The same capacity can be used to cope with manmade shocks such as food, fuel, and financial shocks. Countries and donors should incorporate this into their disaster preparedness.
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The residents of the Lower Ninth returned much later to their homes and property than the residents of other neighborhoods. Elliot, Haney, and Sams-Abidoun (2010, 641) found that the average Lower Ninth resident did not return to New Orleans until 177 days after the storm – even to visit – compared with 67 days for the average residents of the middle-class, white Lakeview neighborhood. Only 14 percent of those surveyed returned to live in their pre-Katina housing. The neighborhood was devastated by the hurricane, not well served by the city, and suffered from waste from the former dump turned Superfund site. Elliot and colleagues’ (2010) comparison of the Ninth Ward with Lakeview also finds that the latter’s residents were more dispersed and more out of touch with each other in the years after the storm, having been scattered and unable to return to the city because they lacked the financial means, and because there was not much waiting for them if they did. The Lakeview Civic Improvement Group held regular meetings during the recovery, but when asked about the Ninth Ward’s analogous group, a resident said: “What meetings? I didn’t know about any meetings,” or “Meetings? Who’s around to meet with? This place is ghost town,” (Elliott et al. 2010, 643).
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Emphas1s on country-specific products that have an immediate application; the content of the products are to be taken not only as far as possible. but will introduce new forms o� communicating and using the information. as applicable� in a way that the user can continue to update country data - thus developing a strong regional network of institutions which are both purveyors and users of information, in a fairly standard framework easily shared.
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Language crisis is countered in the novel, however, through an insistence on language play as the basis for new perspectives and ideas. For example, Yoshiro is reminded of an exercise class called ‟Learn to Limber Up from the Octopus” when the baker mentions ‟tendons,” which is written with a similar-looking kanji to ‟octopus.” This random visual association sparks the following dialogue:“’I’d like to see everything from an optical point of view.’ ‘Optical?’ ‘No. I meant octopi. I want to see through the eyes of an octopus’” (LCT 15). The translator, Margaret Mitsutani, has played on the similarity between ‟octopus” and ‟optical.” In the Japanese text, Tawada plays on ‟tasha no me” (‟the eyes of another”) and ‟taco” (‟octopus”), thereby using linguistic association to introduce incongruous images. A similar example can be found when Yoshiro takes Mumei to the dentist because his baby teeth are all dropping out at once. Yoshiro says “Fall out,” and quickly corrects himself, “hoping the dentist didn’t think he’d said fallout,” a word suggesting nuclear pollution (LCT 16-17). In playing on the word ‟fall out,” Mitsutani introduces a reference to an unspoken environmental crisis, which fits with the overall content of the novel. However, she departs from the word play in the original Japanese text, which is based on the homophone 欠ける (kakeru, meaning ‟to fall out”) and 書ける (Kakeru, meaning ‟to write”). While Mitsutani’s translation allows for the generation of new associations and ideas, Tawada’s play with language goes further: it enables subtle acts of resistance against forces of linguistic censorship and reductions in ways of thinking.
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The description of livestock-sector trends pre- sented in the first report on The State of the World’s Animal Genetic Resources for Food and Agriculture (first SoW-AnGR) (FAO, 2007a) focused on the period between 1980 and 2005, a time when the livestock sector was expanding, inten- sifying and scaling-up, as a result of drivers from both the demand and the supply sides. Demand- side drivers were particularly strong in develop- ing countries, where consumption of animal- source food grew fastest. Consumption of meat, milk and eggs rose steadily in a number of devel- oping countries as a result of growth in the human population and rising purchasing power. Growth rates were highest for poultry meat and pork, averaging 4.7 percent and 2.6 percent per year, respectively, between 1981 and 2007 (Alex- andratos and Bruinsma, 2012), with consumption growth in China making an important contrib- ution. Growing urban populations, together with changes in consumer preference, resulted in greater demand for assured food safety and quality, and this led to additional certification requirements and costs. These developments favoured large-scale production and processing units. On the supply side, low and stable feed costs made it possible to expand intensive live- stock production, while breeding technology produced animals that had high output poten- tial and were adapted to intensive production. The period was also characterized by a growing volume and value of international trade in live- stock products and feed, and the emerging dominance of large retailers.
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When the academic term began, in the aftermath of the catastrophe, a group of teachers decided to alter the content of our workshop programs. To avoid indifference to what was happening around us, we decided in a very improvised way, to address the issue of the earthquake and emergencies as the core of the design workshop-laboratory. For this project we interacted with teams of experts from other disciplines such as engineering and healthcare. We learned that emergencies are complex problems without any single solution but rather many responses, and that formulating solutions required a collaborative and interdisciplinary approach. In the event, there were problems in managing aid, because some people, by wanting to get in- volved, ended up hindering rescue efforts. We experienced the complexity of problems of emergencies, so we tried to come up with very specific solutions based on real-time observa- tions. After the experience of that catastrophe we decided, together with a group of teachers, to work on this issue in a more systematic and planned way.
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17. The destruction of the natural sources of life is one of the factors that forces people to seek a new future elsewhere, for example by migrating to urban areas or uncultivated regions. In the 1990’s, 60 to 70% of urbanization was unplanned 12 , often in areas, which are adjacent to industrial zones, known to be highly seismic or flood prone. Female-headed households are often disproportionately represented in these informal settlements. In the past three decades, the urban population of developing countries has tripled to 1.3 billion. More and more populations are forced, through lack of choice, to expand into disaster prone areas such as flood plains, unstable hillsides and deforested lands, therefore causing disproportionate setbacks to the economies and livelihoods of the affected communities and nations when disasters strikes.
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performance of firefighters at work (Ann-Sofie Lindberg, 2013). The objective of this research is to determine the aerobic capacity of aeronautical firefighters and its determinants. Therefore a descriptive cross‐sectional study was developed in a sample of 23 male firefighters. The information collected about socio‐demographic variables, VO 2 máx and ventilatory threshold (VT) was determined through the
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