During this seventeen-year period with two different economic phases, discussions on different aspects of the labour market have been revived in the context of the European Union. On the one hand, during the economic expansion and boom in European labour markets, discussions about the minimum wage were again in the agenda of the majority European countries. For instance, Ireland implemented the minimum wage from the year 2000, the United Kingdom reintroduced it in 1999 (after the withdrawal in the 1980s) and Germany, where the minimum wage is fixed through collective bargaining, there was a strong debate on the appropriateness of establishing it for all productive sectors. Behind these debates, there is always the increase in the number of low wage earners and the social need to improve the conditions of workers. In this context, Spain was not unrelated to these trends. The government elected in 2004 proposed a significant increase in the Minimum Inter-professional Salary to recover the loss of purchasing power that had in the previous years. The objective was to get the minimum wage represent 60% of the average salary. To this end, the government adopted two measures. One was to create a differentiated indicator for the establishment of social incomes in order that the increases in the minimum wage had no impact on public accounts and the other measure adopted was to approve increases in the minimum wage above the evolution of the CPI to reach the quantified target set (60% of the average salary).
This way, we can say that Spain is a decentralized country: in 2015 only 21% ofpublic employees belonged to the Central Administration. Still, there is a wide dis- parity in the volume of agreements transferring competences according to the differ- ent regions. Catalonia (189), Andalusia (155) and Galicia (154) are the regions with the highest volume of transfer agreements since 1978, while Extremadura is well behind (99). Similarly, the management systems of basic services such as Education and Health are very heterogeneous between regions. As for the Health system, Cata- lonia devotes 25% of total funds in private agreements and only 34% of total funds are payments for public employment. This contrast with the figures for Extremadura: only 4.3% of total funds are devoted to private agreements for public provision of health care and 50.2% of total funds are devoted for personnel expenditure. Likewise, Education provided privately in the public system accounts for 23.6% of total funds in the Basque Country against 8% in Extremadura. In both basic personnel services, Extremadura is at the top of the ranking ofpublic providers of these public services. In this line, Extremadura is the Spanish region with the largest share of total employ- ment working directly for public administration: 23.4% of total employment in 2015. This figure contrasts with a 9.3% in Catalonia and 13.6% of the Spanish average. The large figure for Extremadura corresponds to 3.5% for central administration, 12.4% for regional government and 6.7% for local bodies. 5.2. The institutional setting of Cohesion Policy in Extremadura
According to the information provided in Tables 1 and 2, the determinants of the digital divide differ according to the type of society one is looking at. For developing countries, their traditional weaknesses in infrastructure seem to directly affect their citizens’ access to the Internet, while for developed nations the obstacles appear more related to sociodemographic conditions. However, one needs to bear in mind that the mutual interaction of these factors produces a highly dynamic phe- nomenon. Therefore, the next section presents a simple model of the digital divide as a dynamic process and the implications of this for public programs.
The preferences and attitudes of individuals towards a political measure to reduce pollution are not static, but tend to change over time, due, among other issues, to familiarity and the bias of the status quo (Börjesson et al., 2016). The status quo bias refers to situations in which preferences for a policy are lower before implementation than after its implementation. This may be the result of aversion to loss, cognitive dissonance (the inevitable is accepted) or resistance to change itself, regardless of the losses or gains (Börjesson et al., 2016). Various studies have suggested that the status quo bias is behind the increase in support for congestion charges once they are introduced (Börjesson et al., 2016; Eliasson, 2014) or they seem inevitable (Schade and Baum, 2007). The status quo bias, it is considered, can result in an aversion to innovate in policies against pollution.
P roblemas de política y diseño de políticas (2018), es el más reciente libro del profesor Guy B. Peters sobre el Policy Design Framework. Este material nos presenta una visión más sistemática y contextualizada sobre el marco analítico, que parte de profundas reflexiones en torno a sus orígenes, evolución, estado de las discusiones teóricas e implicaciones futuras sobre la temática. Los referentes primeros de la obra de autor se remontan a los trabajos desarrollados junto a Stephen Linder en la década de los 80. En particular el texto “De la Teoría Social al Diseño de Políticas” (1984) abrió el campo de discusión en torno a una concepción de diseño que siempre se halló implícita bajo diversas denominaciones en la obra de autores como Harold Lasswell (1902-1978) y otros pioneros del estudio de las Políticas Públicas. Hasta la fecha Peters cuenta con una vastísima obra literaria que suma más de 80 publicaciones individuales y colaboraciones, cuyo núcleo central gira sobre tres construcciones teóricas esenciales: la
abstract: Taking into account the premise that the title deed to prove ownership is an es- sential aspect of the constitutional right of access to adequate housing, we elaborate a diag- nosis of the current situation in Argentina regarding that issue in the most vulnerable sec- tors of the population. We emphasize the key role ofpublicpolicy on issuing title deeds and regularization dominial, and the importance of collaboration of notarial number in this task. In this regard, we list and briefly explain the national and provincial legislation aim to eradicate this issue, and finally we associate the activity and the contribution that the notarial number performed in this work, emphasizing the social role of that profession.
Fourth – and perhaps most controversially – civil law conceptions of individual rights should not act as a per se policy bar to international class arbitration. As important as publicpolicy is, the only publicpolicy that should be considered a proper ground for non-enforcement is international publicpolicy, not domestic publicpolicy. While civil law jurisdictions have weighed up the policy considerations for and against representative actions differently than common law jurisdictions have, at least in the context of litigation, it cannot be disputed that there are legitimate arguments in favour of allowing representative actions. In fact, there are fewer disadvantages to representative actions in arbitration than there are in litigation. Furthermore, the publicpolicy concerns might be lessened when one considers that parties can be said to have agreed to representative proceedings (either through the initial agreement to arbitrate or through the failure to opt out). Since parties to arbitration are deemed to have bargained for a dispute resolution procedure with fewer due process protections and/or different procedures than litigation, civil law jurisdictions should not intervene in the parties’ agreed dispute resolution process based on domestic formulations of rights. This is particularly true when the award results from an arbitration that is governed by different procedural and substantive laws and is consistent with the publicpolicyof that state or states.
If the chances for a total recovery of the islands are nearly nonexistent for a large majority of the respondents, what do they think about a partial recovery of sovereignty over the territory? In this case, although the response categories were different, it is possible to find the same pattern of answers. While the negative response categories remained the same, the positive categories asked if a partial recovery of the islands might offer “a definitive situation” or it was a previous step towards “total recovery.” Nevertheless, 57 per cent thought that the chances for this kind of solution were “few” or “null” (see Appendix table 15). Only five per cent said that this would be the final solution. While 6 per cent thought that it would be a step towards the total recovery of the sovereignty, one third of the respondents had no answer to this question. Furthermore, Argentines still remain pessimistic even if asked to assume hypothetically that Britain did agree to joint administration. In this case, the negative position prevails. Forty seven per cent said that Argentina could not ever gain total control over the islands. The more optimistic position that joint administration would be a first step toward gaining full control over the territory was supported by 43 per cent of the people (see Appendix table A-16).
The topic with the most negative sentiment is 02IT, ‘Europe and the earthquake’, which is centered on the region Emilia-Romagna having used European funds for reconstruction work after the 2012 earth- quake. This topic displays negative sentiment because of the presence of earthquake-related words, but it is also used in comments complaining about the reconstruction phase. Another very negatively loaded topic, which is especially used in comments, is topic 09IT, ‘Vaccines’, which describes a very heated debate in Italy following the approval of a law to increase the number of mandatory vaccines for children and in which an anti-vaccination movement took place on Facebook to support their stance against the local and EU government. Negative sentiment also emerges in topic 16IT, which deals with the protection of the territory and coast of the region Emilia-Romagna. Words such as "emergency", "bad weather", "security" and "territory" highlight this emphasis. Another heated topic, which signals a very specific complaint by citizens and is used a lot more in comments than in posts is topic 00SE, ‘Misuse of structural funds’, which is mainly centered on a Swedish politician that had to resign over misuse allegations in connection with her role as Director General of Tillväxtverket when it was discovered that she approved the expenditure of almost 7.5 million Swedish krona (about 700.000€) for seminars and representation activities. Within this cluster, we also find several topics that are used in complaints in a number of countries. This is the case for 16ES, ‘general complaints (Spanish case)’ against the LMA, 01IT, ‘general complaints (Italian case)’ against the LMA, 08IT, ‘specific complaints’ regarding cohesion policy-related issues. Other topics which are loaded negatively specifically deal with European funds and the usage thereof: this is the case for 12IT in the region Calabria, 14IT, concerning youth unemployment and the European Social Fund, or 17SE, regarding EU-funded programs in Sweden. A number of topics from the Romanian case, too, are characterized by negative sentiment and by being used in comments rather than in posts. This is the case for 03RO, which deals with bureaucratic issues with funding, 6RO, which is centered on disputes concerning a new law regarding LMAs’ remuneration, and 11RO, covering a political scandal. Other topics group complaints around social services and healthcare: this is the case in Spain (health system and social services) and Italy (health care administration, disinfestation). Social aspects, in general, are also discussed here.
The big question is one of money. Where does it come from and, more important, who does it leave behind? Every day we hear the latest reports of sinking profits for newspapers. Traditional media are trying to remain profitable largely by cutting costs. New journalistic projects are—either willingly or unwillingly—nonprofit. (We just saw the rise of Pro Publica, a privately funded, nonprofit organization for investigative journalism, with the former WSJ- journalist Paul Steiger as journalistic frontrunner.) We don’t know yet whether there is a future for journalism as a profitable business at all. Appearing before a House of Lords communication committee on news media ownership, Alan Rusbridger, editor-in-chief of the British Guardian, recently said that Internet services are heavily eroding newspaper classified advertising revenues, presenting newspapers with an “urgent problem.” With admirable frankness Rusbridger
The reasons that have led us to apply this methodology are mainly based on the fact that Spain, despite having considerable own or "inherited" resources for tourism activities, given its cultural, environmental or coastal heritage, has suffered of a continued political drive to generate this activity, being the effort and personal tenacity of some public officials or political figures such as the Marquis de la Vega-Inclán, among others, those who develop the sector from the regulatory point of view, and also economic, to make it more attractive internationally. In addition, it is important to analyze the conformation of the tourist sector from a descriptive analysis, which takes into account a historical- economic vision, rather than a historical-political one, thus showing its trajectory throughout the indicated study period. In this way, it can be said that this period of analysis stands out for a greater awareness on the part of the Governments about the importance of tourism in Spain, differentiating the following stages:
this approach can also be included in the “Balanced-Budget Analysis” if we assume that the government provides private goods publicly –see Stiglitz (2000). As Browning (1987) poses it, “if the marginal government spending provides benefits that are a perfect substitute for the disposable income of taxpay- ers, then the spending is only an income effect that is equivalent to a lump sum transfer… This may be largely correct in cases involving government provision of schooling, medical care, pensions, and other things taxpayers would purchase with their disposable income if the government did not provide them”. However, as Atkinson and Stern (1974) note, the level of complementarity ofpublic spending and private spending will be determined by the type of goods that the public sector provides. If the government provides public goods, public spending will complement private goods and Browning’s argument does not hold.
The main functions ofpublic gardens include ecological function, beautification function, entertainment function and educational function, which are also the functions that people pay most attention to. Landscape gardens have a history of thousands of years, delivering visual enjoyment to people at most (Neher, Williams, & Lovell, 2017). In recent years, the concept of landscape ecology has been applied more and more in the environment management ofpublic gardens. In the planning and design ofpublic garden environment from the angle of garden landscape, we should not stress on the external color, modeling and materials as well as destroy the natural ecology (Prescott & Ninsalam, 2016; Tabor, O'Rourke, Lebowitz et al., 2010). To evaluate the landscape
If career development services are to be actively promoted to adults, much more attention is needed to ways of marketing these services. Evidence from recent market research in the UK suggests that many adults have little understanding of what guidance services can offer to them, and not infrequently have negative perceptions of such services based on bad memories of what was offered to them at school (Wilson & Jackson, 1998). Professional jargon can be an impediment here: simple descriptions are needed of career development that will be understood by consumers and by policy- makers alike. More market research is needed on consumers' perceptions and needs, along with clearer "branding" of career development services to signpost their existence and to enable customers to know what to expect from them. Such steps to unlock the latent demand for career development services are likely also to have an impact on policy-makers, who tend to be responsive to public interest and pressure. The move from a provider-driven to a consumer-driven culture is likely to have an impact on the nature of career development delivery. lt will however continue to need to be supported by proactive strategies designed to make such services available to poor and disadvantaged communities.