Gender differences in Perception of men and women in leadership

First, it is essential to analyze the terms sex and gender. Sex refers to a biological distinction, while gender is the term used to describe socially constructed categories based on sex. Furthermore, it is necessary to point out the features women and men have in many fields. Physically speaking, women have more fatty tissue and less muscle, men are stronger than women and women mature more rapidly and generally live for more years. There are important social factors to take into account, such as; women might survive longer than men due to the divergent roles they have in society and jobs they are inclined to do. Men usually have more pressure than women in life hence they are the support of the family. Under these circumstances, the same language women and men speak can be different in the way they use it through time.

However, current data on the participation of women in senior management continues to reflect a considerable gender imbalance. Women continue to face prejudices and negative expectations about their leadership capacity (Hoyt, 2010). Some authors associate a more participative and democratic female leadership style with credibility problems that women face when trying to employ a hierarchical and authoritarian leadership style (Carli, 2001; Eagly & Johannesen-Schmidt, 2001; Ridgeway, 2001). In general, women face greater resistance than men when they try to exercise leadership, especially when they use styles that go against traditional gender roles. The research conducted by Schein (2001) reflects that, in the different countries analyzed, the qualities necessary to hold management positions are associated with men, regardless of which traits are perceived as masculine or feminine in the different cultures. In other words, even though the characteristics required for corporate success vary from one country to another, these characteristics are still considered to be primarily associated with men.

ABSTRACT: Objectives: To estimate the magnitude of gender differences in disability among adults aged 60 and older and to evaluate whether they can be associated with social gender inequality and socioeconomic contextual factors at the level of Brazilian federative units. Methods: This is a multilevel study that used data from 23,575 older adults of 27 federative units who participated in the 2013 Brazilian Health Survey. The activity limitation index was developed from the item response theory, using activities of daily living and instrumental activities of daily living variables. The association of individual and contextual variables with disability was estimated by assessing the magnitude of differences between genders, using cross-level interaction effects in multilevel generalized linear models, including only the variables that were statistically significant in the final model. Results: The prevalence of disability was higher among women (37.6%) than among men (26.5%), totaling 32.7% of the older adults. In the adjusted multilevel analysis, disability was influenced by income inequality (γ gini = 0.022, p < 0.001) among federative units. In addition, gender differences in disability were associated with social gender inequalities (γ mgiiXsex = 0.020, p = 0.004). Conclusion: Women had higher disability

ultimatum game. More specifically, we offer a more rigorous test of the usual conjecture that gender differences in experimental games are partly due to dif- ferences in risky decision making. Having a look at the literature relating these two aspects of human decision making in economics, we identify a major point of intersection in the hypothesis that experimental data can isolate the effect of risk preferences from other idiosyncratic characteristics. There are many important studies which confirm the view that women tend to be more risk averse than men. Powell and Ansic (1997) show that their female subjects are less risk seeking in laboratory tasks than men. However, other experimental studies reach different conclusions. For example, Schubert et al. (1999) find that women are, on average, more risk averse in abstract gambling tasks in the gain domain, less risk averse in the loss domain, and not consistently different from men in context-rich tasks in either domain. They conclude that gender specific risk behavior in previous survey data may be due to differences in males’ and females’ opportunity sets rather than stereotypical risk attitudes. Intuitively, gender differences in risky decision making should affect behavior in bargaining environments. For example, risk averse subjects should be expected to post higher offers. In that case, there may be two co-existing effects of gender on bargaining behavior: a pure gender effect and a risk-related one. The coexistence of pure and risk-related gender dif- ferences in bargaining behavior has not been explicitly addressed in the literature so far.

Men typically occupy the majority of top positions in most sectors in most societies, whereas women in many western countries are at least as likely as men to pursue higher education and to participate in the labor market. One possible and suggested cause of gender differences in labor market outcomes is that men and women differ in terms of economic preferences. In particular, preferences for competition and risk, where women in general are found to be less competitive and less risk taking than men (see, e.g., Croson and Gneezy 2009 for an overview), might contribute to explaining the labor market gender gap. Competitiveness is typically measured as either the performance response to a competitive setting compared to a non-competitive setting, or as a preference for competition such as self-selecting into a competitive setting instead of a non-competitive setting. However, relatively little is known about how the gender gap in economic preferences varies with age, and to what extent cross- country differences in gender norms affect the gender gap. Studying children from different countries is one potential route to further this understanding.

search hypothesis that the gendered nature of political organizations and institutions means that they refl ect upon, sustain and re- produce the dominant gender system (roles, stereotypes, etc.), resulting in differences be- tween men and women in the internal power positions (vertical segregation) and in the specifi c competencies (horizontal segrega- tion). The study carried out confi rms this hy- pothesis to a great extent. Thus, in the gov- ernments of the town councils that were studied, in general, there is a distribution of tasks (areas) and power positions like that occurring in our society. Women, therefore, tend to be concentrated in the departments that handle what is culturally considered to be “feminine” (social services, the elderly, children, family, culture, etc.), which also cor- respond to “feminine” traits (stereotypes). Thus, there is a transfer process from the culturally established gender relationships and ideologies to the formal political arena. In other words, this is a phenomenon of re- production of the traditional gender patterns (and, therefore, the power relationships) within these political organizations.

Moreover, evidence suggests that the gender gap in competitiveness and risk taking is influenced by the subject pool studied. Gneezy et al. (2009), in a study on adults, find that women compete more than men in a matrilineal society in India whereas the opposite is found in a patriarchal society in Tanzania. Moreover, the results of Booth and Nolen (2009a, 2009b), Andersen et al. (2010), and the differences between Gneezy and Rustichini (2004a), Dreber et al. (2011) and Sutter and Rützler (2010) also support the notion that the country or environment in which the study is performed matters. Since Colombia scores lower on gender equality indices than Sweden (Hausmann et al. 2010), we expect the gender gap to be bigger in Colombia in all four competition tasks as well as in risk taking compared to Sweden. We also expect the gender gap to be smaller (if there is any gap at all) in more feminine tasks such as skipping rope and word search compared to running and math in both countries. We find little support for our hypotheses in Colombia, where boys and girls are equally competitive in all four tasks using both competitiveness measures. However, this is not the case in Sweden. Girls in Sweden increase their performance more than boys do when forced to compete in math, a traditionally male task, but there is also some indication of girls in Sweden being more competitive than boys in skipping rope, a traditionally female task. There is however no gender difference in reaction to competition in running or word search. Meanwhile, boys in Sweden choose to compete more than girls do when given the possibility. Boys and girls are thus consistently equally competitive in Colombia, whereas in Sweden boys are consistently more competitive in terms of choice and girls sometimes more competitive in terms of performance change. Our results suggest that tasks are only important for the gender gap in competitiveness in Sweden, but not in a uniform way. Risk taking, on the other hand, shows results in line with our expectations; the gender gap is larger in Colombia than in Sweden. With this little support for our hypotheses, however, we are agnostic to the specific variables that might drive our results.

These three explanations are not mutually exclusive but rather they complement each other, that is, the gender gap is the result of the interplay of various elements, none of which can be considered the single relevant factor on its own (Burns et al., 2001; Morales, 1999). All in all, in this article we will particularly focus on the situational factors, specifi cally those related to domestic responsibilities, given that, even in advanced industrial democra- cies, women still assume the larger share of unpaid housework, irrespective of both mem- bers of the couple working full time outside the home (Batalova and Cohen, 2002; Knud- sen and Waerness, 2008; Lachance-Grzela and Bouchard, 2010). Although a reduction in the number of hours women devote to unpaid housework has recently been observed, this trend is not due to men’s greater involvement in these tasks but rather to families hiring the- se services in the market (Gershuna, 2000). Therefore, the sexual division of domestic work has not been suffi ciently adjusted to the rapid changes in family and labor roles wo- men have experienced during recent decades (Hochschild, 1989).

The concept of formal equality, used in the last century for es- tablishing equal rights for all human beings (the UN Conven- tion on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 1979; Article 14 of the Spanish Constitution), has been developing to the point where it has been superseded by a concept of equality which, while recognising the same value in everyone, also takes account of the differences be- tween men and women in society and in their respective as- pirations and needs. The concept of equality thereby appears as a tool which is intended to transform the reality and enable women and men to develop their capacities and free them- selves from the limitations imposed on them by traditional roles (Article 9(2) of the Spanish Constitution).

The generation of new entrepreneurships has become one of the objectives of development policy at the global level, these objectives are oriented to the development of small and medium enterprises, and they give a spe- cial importance to entrepreneurship in rural areas. There are many studies on this subject, however, there are few studies that examine the meaning of entrepreneurship for the people who carry it out. This article aims to describe the social representations about the meaning of entrepreneurship and the rural entrepreneurial moti- vation of men and women, at the same time, it aims to compare the results according to gender. The sample was consisted of 21 women and 21 men from rural areas of a commune in the Region of Araucanía in Chile. Natural semantic networks technique was used and the results show common contents in the social representations, therefore it is argued that there are no differences according to gender.

However, generally speaking, most authors differentiate between internal and external barriers (Moncayo Orjuela & Zuluaga, 2015; Hawley, Torres & Rasheed, 1998; Swanson & Witke, 1997; Ramos et al., 2003; de Anca & Aragón, 2007; Agut Nieto & Martín, 2007). To start with, external barriers are understood as all those barriers with a sociodemographic and contextual component that establish the organizational culture and the generic differences in leadership style and gender stereotypes. De Anca and Aragón (2007), in turn, explain external factors as social barriers based on stereotypes, as organizational barriers based on the organizational culture and identity. Secondly, internal barriers are understood as all those cultural barriers that play a crucial role in the interiorization of a series of roles and cultural preferences. In order words, they are “the influence of socialization on the development of differential characteristics between men and women” (Ramos et al., 2003, p. 270). It refers to the identity of the feminine gender. Tomás and Guillamon (2009) identify them as socially desirable behaviors in women, related to the sense of duty, willingness to serve and lack of competitiveness or ambition to have power. Ramos et al. (2003) add a third classification to the factors or internal and external barriers related to the reproductive and family role. This is the reconciliation of work and personal/family life. De Anca and Aragón (2007) identify the internal factors as personal factors that permit a woman to evaluate the options and decisions that are going to mark her professional career.

The initial predictions of the study were made on the basis of (a) the experience of the ME teachers at the URV and (b) the results of a series of semi-structured interviews administered to women who were studying the ME degree or who were professional engineers (Ferrando et al., 2012). The general starting point was that the low demand was partly because of an incomplete or distorted perception of ME as a career. This point can be divided into two more specifi c assumptions. First, high school students’ knowledge about the competences and tasks of ME is at least incomplete and perhaps largely incorrect. Second, these students’ perception of the work environments of ME professionals is negatively distorted, and this distortion is expected to be more pronounced in women. As far as the fi rst assumption is concerned, we note that in Spain, the image of ME is closely related to the world of cars and motorcycles, particularly competition. In fact, however, only a small percentage of mechanical engineers work in this environment. And with regards to the second point, we believe that the work environments of ME are perceived as dirty, dangerous, physically demanding, and possibly hostile (see also Medina, 2004). Again, however, most mechanical engineers work in offi ces.

A large number of studies have suggested that being a woman represents a poten- tial risk factor for the development of adverse drug reactions (ADRs). The aim of this study is to further explore the differences between men and women with regard to reported ADRs, particularly those associated with psychotropic drugs. We used spontaneous reports of suspected ADRs collected by Midi-Pyr en ees (France), Veneto (Italy) and Castilla y Le on (Spain) Regional Pharmacovigilance Centres (January 2007 – December 2009). All the reports including a psychotropic medication were selected in a first step; age distribution, seriousness and type of ADRs were compared between men and women. Reports of nonpsychotropic drugs were similarly identified and treated. The absolute number of reports and the proportion, considering population, were higher in women than in men. This was observed for all reports, but was particularly higher for psychotropic drugs (592 vs. 375; P < 0.001) than for nonpsychotropics drugs (5193 vs. 4035; P < 0.001). Antidepressants were the most reported (women, 303; men, 141; P < 0.001); the reporting rates (number of reports divided by exposed patients in the same period, estimated through sales data) for these drugs, however, were not significantly different between women (0.87 cases per 10 000 treated persons per year) and men (0.81 cases per 10 000 treated persons per year). Although there was a higher number of reports of ADRs in women, ADR reporting rates might be similar as highlighted by the case of antidepressants. Antidepressant ADRs in fact were similarly reported in men and in women. Gender differences are sometimes subtle and difficult to explore. International networks, as the one established for this study, do contribute to better analyse problems associated with medications.

Overall, this section presents strong evidence that children’s wages can explain much of the gender gap in education, consistent with the theory. This suggests that other elements such as family structure or within household bargaining are marginal at least in explaining educational attendance di¤erences for our Colombian sample. The explanatory power is not as strong for labor force participation and work intensity di¤erentials. This may be due, in part, to the informality of some of the work the children are engaged in. Children are involved in a variety of short-term jobs. Some of those who performed some sort of work the day before the interview might not be permanent workers and their decision may not be based on wages, but short term opportunities. Similarly, part of the di¤erence may re‡ect the involvement of children in the family business, particularly farming. Labor activities of this kind might not have as strong an e¤ect on schooling as other, more stable, formal activities.

to moderate magnitude, than males (chapman, Duberstein, sorensen & lyness, 2007; Mccrae, terracciano, et al., 2005). in addition, a large cross-cultural study across 55 cultures revealed that spanish females are higher in agreeableness (Schmitt, Realo, Voracek & Allik, 2008). Similarly, a recent meta-analysis on gender and forgiveness has demonstrated that males report seeking vengeance following a transgression more often than females, with the larger gender differences compared to any other forgiveness–related measure (Miller, Worthington & McDaniel, 2008). To explain this gender difference in forgiveness, some theories have emphasized that males are more oriented toward justice-seeking while females desire to preserve relationships, which may encou- rage females to forgive more rather than seeking justice (i.e. revenge seeking behaviour) compared to males (gilligan, 1994); while males are more oriented toward a justice-based morality in response to transgressions, emphasizing fighting, vengeance, or justice itself (Kohlberg, 1984).

Introduction. Marijuana is the world’s most widely used illegal drug. In Mexico, it is the drug of choice for both male and female users of all ages, and there has been a recent increase in its use. Objective. To describe drug use trends in people seeking treatment by sex and age range, and to explore different patterns. Method. To provide a description of trends and rates of increase for the population attended between 2005 and 2016 and to make a comparative analysis of patterns of use in a sample of 11 595 marijuana users who received treatment in 2016. Results. In general, there has been a greater increase in use in the group ages twelve to seventeen. The greatest increase in lifetime use was reported among women in this age range. The greatest increase in marijuana use in the past month was found among women aged eighteen to thirty-five. Women use a greater variety of substances, and a higher number of younger women report using cocaine, metham- phetamines, benzodiazepines and hallucinogens than men. Discussion and conclusion. Significant increas- es in marijuana use have been registered among girls under 18 and women in recent years. The differences in trends and patterns of use for men and women are being reduced and reconfigured.

Regarding the subject of the questions asked in surveys some authors have argued that the concept of politics in these questions is too limited and focused on electoral politics. In this regard, Norris’s (2000) distinction be- tween conventional and practical political in- formation is especially useful. Pioneering studies have shown that gender differences in political knowledge decrease when there are questions about more practical aspects of politics such as social services, citizens’ rights and even about political actors who are wom- en (Stolle and Gidengil, 2010). In addition, other studies point out that conventional sur- veys overrate knowledge about names or dates in contrast to other types of knowledge that might be more visual. In this regard, the use of images or photographs for the re- spondent to recognize a political personality could be an interesting innovation (Prior, 2014). This does not mean that we have to abandon measuring the more traditional sub- jects (electoral politics or political actors) but that we should expand the content as well as the form of questions if we want to make pro- gress in the study of what ordinary citizens know about politics and its key actors.

et al. (2011) state that an educational mismatch is vertical when the employee’s educational attainment (or level) is different from the one required for the job. A general example would be an individual holding a doctoral degree working in a job requiring a non-graduate level of edu- cation; this situation is usually defined as a positive mismatch (that leads to overeducation). A negative mismatch (leading to undereducation) example would be a worker with complete high- school working in a job that requires a bachelor’s degree. A mismatch can (also) be horizontal when worker’s field of study does not match the requirements of the job. Consider the case of an employee with an physics degree working in a job that requires medical knowledge. In this case, the quality of the match may be good (the field is exactly the one required by the job), weak (if it barely meets the occupation’s requirement) and mismatch (like the previous example) (Robst, 2007).

Knee isometric steadiness was evaluated with the same setup as the MVIC assessment. Each subject was asked to exert knee extensor force to reach a specific target, a trapezoidal figure which represented the 15% of their MVIC (Figure 1B). Subjects were asked to reproduce this paradigm that lasted 20 seconds. To quantify fine muscular control, the coefficient of variation was calculated between the paradigm displayed on the screen and the exerted force of the the subject

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