As is detailed in the following section, the three selected case studies affected residents in peri-urban Dakar, and more specif- ically Pikine Irregular South. In all the selected cases, the stated justi ﬁ cation for the initiative was the improvement of living con- ditions of Dakar citizens in general, and of those directly affected in particular. In case study 1, for example, it was stated that the plan had emerged with the intention of responding to the problem of ﬂ ooding at a national level, establishing the objective of “ allowing each family affected by ﬂ ooding to access decent housing, based on their means and needs ” (ENDA, 2008:82). In case 2, it was stated that the action would contribute to generate new jobs, achieve territorial equilibrium and improve urban mobility (R epublique du S en egal-APIX, 2007); in addition, following World Bank stated policies, those affected were to see their living conditions improved or at least maintained, as is detailed further in the following section (World Bank, 2001). However, once both initiatives had been implemented, according to experts the works had not succeeded in ﬁ ghting ﬂ oods (case 1) or generating employment and improving territorial equilibrium (case 2). Moreover, those affected by both these cases maintained that they had been impoverished and their social networks weakened or dispersed. In addition to their stated aims to meet demand, both cases were selected because their analysis allowed an exploration of how public authorities operate in practice in transforming peri-urban Dakar. Case 1 provides an illustration of the national government's modus operandi, while case 2 exempli ﬁ es the practices of international actors such as the
these bankers would need to be instructed about their ‘social function’, to be ‘moralised’ in suitable ways. 21 Banks have remained central to the development project, either as trustees of communal property, sources of finance for national industrial expansion, or indeed as sources of micro-finance for village women. 22 From this summary history of development we make three observations. First, development was, among other central features, a capitalist project. From its very inception, Comte saw development (and sociology writ large) as the ordering of society for progress, through the regulation of private property. In order to render more public the corrupting influence of private property, Comte’s solution was to have bankers (not legislators) administer the public good. These administrators would be guided by positivist rationality. Central to this vision, then, is a conception of progress, managed through a system of class relations, not by capitalists per se, but by an elite cadre of gurus of order and science. Second, the state was a central locus of the ordering of society. The project of colonial development required the construction in essence, and in effigy, of the apparatus of the modern European state. This ‘gift’ 23 was an integral part of the development enterprise. The mechanisms of control and domination, the bio- politics of development, were created specifically to pacify, monitor, police and conscript to labour, the rural communities of the Third World, just as they did in Europe. These politics were predicated on an exclusive state sovereignty, and much effort was spent securing this sovereignty. Third, biopolitics and capital- ism are mutually constitutive within the development project. The limit case of development, we argue, is fascism. We take Polanyi’s analysis to be indicative of incipient trends not only at the emergence of Third Worldism, but also in contemporary global political economy.
Si es importante discutir acerca de la experiencia histórica que nos enfrentamos, tiene una gran finalidad intrínseca. Proponer, de manera contextualizada, no universal, pero entendiendo que vivimos bajo un modelo que tiende a la totalidad, una Historia capaz de visibilizar todas las contradicciones de nuestro tiempo y contexto, donde todas tengan un lugar en este pluriverso, levantando una ecología de saberes, un diálogo multiterritorial. Ya tenemos una claridad referente a complejizar nuestra forma de abordar el desenvolvimiento histórico, considerando la experiencia colonial y las múltiples significaciones que actualmente existe, no siendo todas tomadas en cuenta por la Historia oficial estatal. Debord y Benjamin nos ayudan a encontrar aquellos factores fundamentales en la comprensión de la hegemonía mundial que se nos ha impuesto: el trabajo y la mercancía. Ahora el desafío está en encontrar el resto de factores que aparecen en nuestra latitud concreta, desde el sur global.
This article delves into the potential of decolonial pedagogies—specifically interpreted here as simultaneously engaged in the domains of narrative research and teacher education—for the (re) construction of epistemological and methodological practices with high performative force, i.e. productive in the redefinition of social meanings and the redistribution of discursive legitimacy (Yedaide, 2017). It discusses the concurrence of several perspectives which have stemmed from a particular context of teaching and researching and seem to contribute to civic (re) empowerment as well as to enabling conditions of greater hospitality for social life. Such viewpoints, which make complete sense only in the blended and highly impure territory of our GlobalSouth, attempt to methodically escape from absolutes (great or master narratives) and to appeal to emotions, feelings and aesthetics as a necessary means to approaching any human experience. We thus commit to the discussion of a few premises—tentative, local and contingent narratives—which have provided heuristic depth to our social and pedagogical concerns. Hopefully, such intent will portray a willingness to move away from servile respect to modern/colonial structures and plunge into the undefined, unstable and ever changing scenario of life experiences.
Multistakeholder partnerships between the private sector and public/non-profit institutions are often portrayed as “win-win” partnerships with measurable benefits and results (WEF 2006:41) that accrue to all actors involved, while the principle of additionality means—in the language of Danida—that a partnership leads to an improved “contribution to poverty reduction and sustainable development” (Danida 2004:4). In a similar vein, the UNDP Commission for Private Sector Development has argued that public-private partnerships (PPPs) can facilitate access to broader financing options, assist skill and knowledge development, and make possible the sustainable delivery of basic services, particularly energy and water (UNDP Commission on the Private Sector and Development 2004). UN–business partnerships, in particular, are said to bring about a range of benefits. PPPs may offer an opportunity for the UN to adjust to the current era of globalization by reaching out to civil society and business stakeholders that can assist the organization accomplish its goals (Kell 2005). They can help advance a particular cause or place it on the global agenda, develop codes of conduct or other norms that structure the behaviour of companies operating in the global economy, and provide market access in the North for individual entrepreneurs and businesses in developing countries (Witte and Reinicke 2005). In summing up the potential benefits of partnerships, Brinkerhoff (2002) suggests that partnerships may (i) increase effectiveness as actors gain access to crucial resources such as expertise and relationships; (ii) lower transaction costs and improve access to information; (iii) enhance efficiency through the identification and exploitation of comparative advantages; (iv) facilitate creative problem-solving through the joint efforts of partners with different perspectives and expertise; and (v) reduce conflict over time, as actors realize that the costs associated with ongoing tension between stakeholders (for example, between non- governmental organizations/NGOs and firms) become too high and therefore decide to cooperate.
government neglect, social dislocation and high crime rates. This is not an easy thing to ﬁ x; there are few panaceas of urban public policy. However, the low scoring, especially in relation to other domains such as utilities, suggests that we need to look at the valorization of social capital and the improvement of government performance to improve the happiness of citizens. And this brings us to a very important point. Much of the urban development literature emerging from the Global North, from academics and non-government agencies, tends to focus on issues of employment and service provision. There are innumerable studies of the ‘ prob- lems ’ of the informal economy and slum dwellings. While we do no wish to minimize the importance of employment, housing and service provision, it is clear from our survey results that the poor are also concerned with issues of social trust, public space and public safety. These are important domains of satisfaction with urban living. If we want to improve peoples' level of happiness, it is clear from our survey results that strengthening the bonds of social capital, improving urban public space and working to improve public safety should be important areas of concern for urban and national governments. To some extent the results re ﬂ ect the par- ticularity of Cali. However, we would argue that this city highlights, perhaps in exaggerated form, a pressing concern for other cities, not only in South America but also throughout the GlobalSouth and beyond.
recognizes the lessons that Colombia can learn from other mid-income post-conflict societies. Other fields in which Colombia seeks to obtain capacity building via South-South cooperation are disaster management, relation with ethnic minorities, gender equality, migration, and food safety, among others (Agencia Presidencial de Cooperación, 2012). Given the socio-economic similarities, it is possible to identify potential cooperation oportunities in these areas with african states, actually Colombia’s strategy of cooperation recognizes Africa as a region with unexplored potential for providing cooperation in this matters. In the specific case of reconciliation and post- conflict sociology, contries as South Africa can provide great lessons, also in fields such as food security, the capacity building programs between Colombia and Senegal (Research Program on Climate Change, Agriculture and Food Security, 2014) are a clear example of how effective cooperation among mid-income states cathegorized as part of the GlobalSouth is really possible, and that capacity building is not limited to the traditional North-South scheme of international cooperation.
the world. While neo-classical economics is dominant, it is not the only show in town. Hetero- dox economists such as Amartya Sen and Joe Stiglitz have won the Nobel Prize for economics. The United Nations has provided a venue for progressive economics in publications like the annual United Nations Development Programme Human Development Report. Progressive econom- ics had also been used to inform the work of UN Human Rights Special Rapporteurs charged with investigating topics, ranging from the Right to Food to Extreme Poverty to the Effects of Economic Reform Policies and Foreign Debt on Human Rights. Progressive economists also work in international and national NGOs like Focus on the GlobalSouth, Third World Network, the Center for Popular Economics, the Economic Policy Institute, Political Economy Research Institute and INCIDE, to name a few.
The presence of titanosaurids in northern Mexico is not surprising if dispersal did indeed occur from South America toward North America. Unfortunately, the geology of this part of the country is poorly known, there is only one unpublished geological study of the area made by F. Palomino and M. Vega, staff members of the INEGI (Instituto Nacional de Estadística, Geografía e Informática). The spotty outcrops of these formations are small. Their report suggests that it is not possible to distinguish the continental Aguja Formation from the lower part of the Javelina Formation. The age of these formations is considered to range from late Campanian– late Maastrichtian (Lehman, 1985). Titanosaurids have been collected in the Maastrichtian beds of the Big Bend National Park (Lawson, 1972). Lehman and Coulson (2002) reported Alamosaurus sanjuanensis from Black Peaks Formation, also in the Big Bend National Park, just below the Cretaceous–Tertiary boundary horizon. The presence of this dinosaur in Chihuahua represents the first record of a titanosaurid in Mexico.
The importance of global education is further supported by Cendant Mobility, a global relocation management firm. A 2002 survey that polled 180 human resources managers on six continents who collectively managed 200,000 people found that global competence is critical to the success of cross-border workers (Cendant Mobility, 2002). Green (2000) reports that before becoming globally competent, students must be globally literate and possesses a high degree of international understanding and intercultural competence. Similarly, Broad (1998) observed that mid-level managers, chief executive officers, and human resource professionals consistently state a need for college graduates who are “knowledgeable about the global environment in which they must function and be facile in the cultural diversity it entails.” For this reason, colleges and universities must make a deeper commitment to prepare global-ready graduates.
Por medio de esta recomendación, las Partes Consultivas comienzan considerando que en el hielo antártico se encuentran las mayores reservas de agua dulce del planeta y observan que los adelantos tecnológicos algún día permitirán la explotación de icebergs desprendidos del continente para satisfacer las necesidades de agua dulce. Recuerdan los principios del Tratado Antártico y reconocen que es éste el marco más adecuado para tratar los temas de la Antártica. Se preocupan por el eventual impacto en el medio ambiente que tendría la explotación de icebergs, a la vez que reconocen que no se dispone de información científica suficiente en cuanto al impacto de ésta actividad tanto en el medio ambiente antártico como global. Finalmente, las Partes señalan que: “Reconociendo la conveniencia de que la explotación comercial del hielo antártico no tenga lugar, en modo alguno, antes de que las Partes Contratantes del Tratado Antártico examinen los problemas que plantea tal actividad”. Este párrafo de la recomendación XV-21 parece establecer una moratoria voluntaria en la explotación del hielo antártico. Si bien su formulación puede sembrar ciertas dudas de si se trata o no de una verdadera moratoria 44 ,
Whether in concrete community activities or in recreating impoverished environments, the Peace Corps collaborated in the “unconditional war on poverty,” though this was not part of its initially declared mission. Its varied community efforts in the United States helped to strengthen institutionally the government and private agencies involved. More importantly, Peace Corps training engaged volunteers in a global campaign that exposed them to diverse visions of community work and they interacted with academics, professionals, and public and private institutions dedicated to the same general objectives. Some volunteers even had the op- portunity to work in the United States with Latin American community development workers, such as the group of thirty Colombians from Acción Comunal with whom volunteer Prudence Barber worked in settlements in upper Manhattan in New York. 23
other buccaneer did as much damage to the possibilities for peace and equitable development in Africa as Cecil Rhodes. As diamond merchant, financier and politician (governor of the Cape Colony during the 1880s-90s), Rhodes received permission from Queen Victoria to plunder what are now called Gauteng Province (greater Johannesburg) once gold was discovered in 1886, and then Zimbabwe, Zambia and Malawi; his ambition was to paint the map British imperial red, stretching along the route from the Cape to Cairo. Rhodes’ two main vehicles were the British army, which invented the concentration camp and in the process killed 14,000 blacks and 25,000 Afrikaner women and children during the 1899-1902 Anglo Boer South African War, and the British South Africa Company (BSAC), a for-profit firm which in 1890 began systematically imposing settler colonialism across the region. The BSAC’s charter, following the notorious Rudd Concession which Rhodes obtained deceitfully from the Ndebele king Lobengula, represented a structural switch from informal control of trade, to trade with rule. British imperialists assumed that competition for control of Africa would continue beyond the 1885 Berlin conference which partitioned Africa, and that only BSAC-style ‘imperialism on the cheap’, as it was termed, would ensure geographical dominance over the interior of the continent in the face of hostile German, Portuguese, and Boer forces. Such a strategy was critical, they posited, to the protection of even the Nile Valley, which in turn represented the life-line to the prize of India 27 .
telecommunications, software and others) and home governments can exercise substantial influence (e.g. through industrial policies, competition policy and even ownership of assets). In a similar vein, many developed-country TNCs at least originally derived benefits from their home countries’ natural and other resources or pockets of knowledge and expertise (e.g. Exxon and Microsoft in the United States, Norsk Hydro in Norway and BASF in Germany), but later diversified by industry and market as well as along the value chain, to ensure that their advantages were based on “internal” (i.e. ownership of technology and expertise at the firm, proprietary level), rather than “external” sources (the home country environment). 21 Developing and transition economy TNCs in natural resources, and related manufacturing activities, such as Petróleos de Venezuela, Petronas (oil, Malaysia), Gerdau (metal products, Brazil), PetroChina, Sappi (paper, South Africa), Saudi Basic Industries Corp. and Gazprom (natural gas, Russian Federation), are proceeding in a similar way to their developed country equivalents, but are at a relatively early stage in the process. 22 However in some industries, for instance Indian software consultancy firms such as TCS, Wipro and Infosys, the process has been more rapid, partly because of the nature of the industry, their strong global links with a highly competitive software industry and the backing of Indian conglomerates (e.g. TCS is part of the Tata Group). 23
worldwide policies currently being pursued stems from this factor – privatisation, deregulation, high interest rates, floating exchange rates, the American policy of systematic external deficit, the debt burden of the Third World, etc. I will not return to this point here. In its turn this global financialisation becomes locked into a regressionary cycle. By its own momentum the system gives to financier-rentier capital the opportunity of always ensuring that its own interests prevail over the general interest, whatever the cost might be for national and global economics. The incredible growth of inequalities of income, at all levels from the local to the global, produced by the increasing hold of income from sources other than production (that is, financial rent) over relatively stag- nant production fully expresses the irrationality of the system. Are the counter-measures proposed by way of damage limitation at all effective? The outcome of these counter-measures appears to be regionalisation, the virtues of which are currently being trum- peted by the media, whether it be the inexorable construction of Europe or other initiatives (the North American Free Trade Area (NAFTA), the Asia–Pacific project, etc). I have proposed a critical interpretation of these projects, to which I refer the reader (Amin, 1995). The European project appears to me to have entered a peri- od of turbulence which could still throw its future into doubt, not only following the internal imbalance created by the unification of Germany but more and especially because, conceived by the Right, the European Union remains a project of market integra- tion without a social dimension that can establish at EU level the equivalent of the historic compromise of labour and capital at the national levels. I have proposed similarly critical interpretations of the market integration projects of other regions of the world (see Amin l995: Part 3).
Instituto de Estudios Latinoamericanos – Universidad de Alcalá | 14 En el caso específico del presente artículo, se desarrolla un modelo de corrección de error para las exportaciones y otro para las importaciones en forma agregada así como para cada uno de los socios comerciales. En el primer caso, la ecuación de largo plazo (1) relaciona el logaritmo natural de las exportaciones de la Argentina con la demanda global y con el TCRM o TCRB (según corresponda). La ecuación de corto plazo (2) relaciona las mismas variables, pero esta vez transformadas a través de la diferencia del logaritmo. En esta ecuación se incluye, además, al término de corrección de error. En el segundo caso, la ecuación de largo plazo (3) relaciona las importaciones de la Argentina con la demanda global del país y con el TCRM o TCRB (según corresponda). Al igual que para el caso de las exportaciones, la ecuación de corto plazo (4) relaciona las mismas variables, pero esta vez transformadas a través de la diferencia del logaritmo e incluyendo el término de corrección de error. Al ser datos trimestrales, en ambas ecuaciones de corto plazo se incluyeron hasta cinco rezagos de cada variable y se seleccionó el mejor modelo según criterios de ajuste.
The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the United Nations Convention on Biological Diversity (UNCBD) and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification (UNCCD) were negotiated and signed in the run-up to the 1992 Rio Conference (therefore collectively known as the Rio Conventions) in response to environmental threats that governments considered glo- bal in scale. The Rio Conventions reflect the commitment of signatory countries to incorporate the principles of sustainable development and global environmental concerns into their national development agendas, while providing developing countries with financial and tech- nical resources for this purpose. The developed countries that signed the three Rio Conventions in 1992 committed themselves to assist developing countries in implementing them. Since 1998, the DAC has monitored aid commitments targeting the objectives of the Rio Conventions through its Creditor Reporting System (CRS) using the Rio markers. Every aid activity reported to the CRS should be screened and marked as either i) targeting the conventions as a “principal objective” or a “significant objective”, or ii) not targeting the objective. All countries have reported using these markers with the exception of Luxembourg. It should be noted, however, that in some cases fluc- tuations in a DAC member’s aid for environment and climate change may be partly due to variations in the way the Rio markers have been applied from one year to the next. Figure A.7 presents the total DAC average of ODA commitments targeted at the objectives of the Rio Conventions for the period 2002 to 2009. 5 As for the gender equality
Concerning the major results, the quantitative attribute analysis showed a significant prevalence of developed countries in publication activity: The majority of the first authors are affiliated to European or North-American institutions; with respect to the journal editorials, this unequal distribution is even more pronounced. In consequence, those outcomes evidence a one-sided (or north-sided) scientific activity and indicate that the debate about “rural economy” is biased towards a European and North-American perspective. At the same time, the geographical areas treated by these authors are mainly located in developing countries. Considering the importance research has on development, it could be argued that this is some kind of “scientific colonialism”. To achieve a balanced scientific agenda-setting and the integration of geographically different concerns, a more equal scientific activity across North and South is necessary. On the other hand, content categories demonstrate how the concept of rural economy is linked to different ideas that not only relate to GDP such as sustainability, alternative economies, community and society and resources for development. It can therefore be concluded that scientific discourse around rural economy is already associated to social and environmental aspects, and that it is through achieving a balance between them that rural prosperity will be achieved. However, a new definition of prosperity that includes these three aspects should be globally created and approved so that policies can be shaped in order to attain this newer and completer conception of the term. The objective of this research for the future is to analyse further in depth the content of the articles in order to better answer the question of what is the scientific community concerned about in relation to rural economy, as well as which themes are important in which geographical areas.
“Yo Gallardo Castillo Edison Fabricio declaro ser autor del presente trabajo de fin de maestría: Diseño de un sistema de gestión del talento humano por competencias, para la empresa SOUTHGLOBAL Cia. Ltda., de la Titulación Magíster en Gestión Empresarial, siendo Almeida Martínez Marcelo Esteban director del presente trabajo; y eximo expresamente a la Universidad Técnica Particular de Loja y a sus representantes legales de posibles reclamos o acciones legales. Además certifico que las ideas, concepto, procedimientos y resultados vertidos en el presente trabajo investigativo, son de mi exclusiva responsabilidad.
Such a tendency to invest in neighbouring countries at similar or lower levels of per capita income appears to be another interesting feature of South-South FDI. The competitive advantage of TNCs from South, small and medium-sized companies in particular, lies in their ability to function in a similar economic environment; these advantages are to be found only in countries with similar or relatively lower levels of development (Wells, 1983). Examples are investment by South African Breweries in Botswana, Lesotho, Swaziland, the United Republic of Tanzania, and Zambia; by Pepkor (South Africa’s biggest retailer) in Zambia and Mozambique; and NetGroup (South African electricity company) in the United Republic of Tanzania. Similarly, Bulgaria has attracted FDI mostly from Turkey (Faf Metal, Ceylan Holding, Isiklar Holding, Ziraat Bank, Demir Bank), Hungary (Videoton), the Czech Republic (Pramet), the Russian Federation (Lukoil, Investment Bank and Vneshekonombank), and Slovakia (Skalica). According to the Fundación Invertir (Argentina), Chile and Brazil are among the major sources of FDI in Argentina (after United States, France and Spain). 8