Humandevelopment as defined by the UNDP is the process of enlarging people’s choices and their level of achieved well-being by expanding their capabilities and functioning. Sen (1994) emphasizes human capabilities and expanding choice for its own sake as the essence of humandevelopment. Streeten (1999) notes that in the absence of these capabilities, few choices would be available to people. Humandevelopment therefore seeks to enable people to lead full, productive, satisfying and worthwhile lives by raising their incomes and improving other components of their standard of living such as life expectancy, health, literacy, control over their own destiny, personal liberty and freedom, and as essential steps for fulfilling human rights (Anand and Sen, 1994; Griffin and Knight, 1994; Sen, 1994; UNDP, 2000).
The research aims to study the processes of local humandevelopment in two contexts involving adverse circumstances: the reconversion of the sugar agro-industry in the eastern region of Cuba and the Saharan refugee camps in Tindouf (Algeria). By local humandevelopment is understood the set of processes by which a society autonomously determines a desirable and possible future for itself, namely, the wellbeing it considers to be of value. This is understood as the widening of opportunities for individuals, social groups and small- and medium-sized territorially organised communities, as well as the mobilisation of their capacities and resources for common and equitable profit, taking account of gender equality in economic, social and political terms evaluated from the perspective of humandevelopment. The research seeks to identify those processes to analyse the conditions in which they emerge and their evolution towards consolidation or debilitation, and to evaluate their results in terms of humandevelopment.
Before identifying examples of countries that have succeeded in HD, we need to determine the criteria of success to be used. The HumanDevelopment Index (HDI) adopted in the HDRs encompasses education, life expectancy and ‘adjusted income’, with the precise denition and method- ology underlying the HDI changing over time. While it has clearly per- formed an important role in focusing attention on HD and country differences, it remains somewhat arbitrary. Rather than use the HDI, in this paper, we shall, therefore, adopt two very reductionist proxies for HD achievement: namely, life expectancy (LE) and infant mortality rate (IMR). One reason for the choice of LE is the simplicity of the measure, which means that no arbitrary weighting is required; another is that LE is the prerequisite for enjoyment of any other dimension of the good life; third, it is highly correlated with the education components of HDI. Although LE is not a very discriminating indicator for rich countries, it exhibits large variations for developing countries, which are our concern here. We have supplemented LE with IMR partly because of measurement problems with LE in between census years, and partly because of IMR’s greater sensitivity to change. However, we recognize that there are severe limitations arising from conning our measurement of HD to LE and IMR; in particular, by excluding all non-material aspects, we admittedly bias our analysis and policy conclusions.
If we consider alternative synthetic indicators from the international literature such as the Environmental Sustainability Index (ESI) produced within the World Economic Forum (WEF) or the Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare proposed by Cobb and Daly (1989), reformulated by Cobb and Cobb (1994) and calculated for a few selected countries by the Friends of the Earth association, it is clear that the HDI methodology is easier to implement if the scope of the analysis is not only to build a ranking among countries for a specific year, but also to compare the historical trends of sustainable development within a complex area such as the European region. The ESI methodology requires a large number of indicators (68) in order to represent the environmental aspect of development, and omits some key information on the human dimension of development. The Index of Sustainable Economic Welfare methodology has been criticized for arbitrary variable definitions from one country to another, producing results that are not directly comparable (Neumayer, 2000). The HDI methodology, on the other hand, requires few variables and guarantees longer time series and a full comparison among countries. The Generalized HumanDevelopment Index described in Chakravarty (2003) for k attributes of well-being gives us the theoretical framework within which the HDI could be extended with the environ- mental components. Four of the five properties suggested by the author (normalization, monotonicity, translation invariance, and homogeneity) guarantee that the HDI methodology including other factors (environ- ment, natural resources, or social stability) does not fail to achieve the original measurement goal of an ‘attainment index’.
13. Public agricultural research and innovation has been historically signi- cant in stimulating agricultural progress and was necessary for the Green Revolution. It has slowed down — in funding, rate of discovery, direction of research to yield expansion — before large parts of the poor have gained. This needs to be addressed, if poverty reduction, now slowed, is to revert to 1975–1985 rates. Yet the global bias of technical progress, driven by the needs and scarcities of the better-off with higher effective demand for it, is labour saving. A major effort is required to expand applied and basic agro-science in the international public sector and to introduce imaginative changes in incentives and institutions to enhance the private sector’s scientic contribution to improving poor people’s capabilities. The central conclusion is to leave space in farm research systems for basic science. To point it, via incentives and institutions and civil-society pressures, to humandevelopment goals seldom fully expressed in either market or state values. And, to reward both success in research and discovery, and selection of topics and processes, that speed up adoption, spread, and impact on humandevelopment.
In our study, we draw on the work of writers in the Neo-Gramscian tradition, such as Robert Cox (e.g. 1986), to understand the process of ‘framing’ that is involved in the adoption of such ideas. A concept such as ‘sustainable development’ frames our thought in two ways: first, by placing the issue on the agenda, and, second, by shaping the way we think about it. Furthermore, it shapes not only thought but also action. Yet, there is a tendency for this process to involve a distortion of the ideas, as we observed in the CANDID project. Their potential to bring about substantial change may be gradually subverted. One way in which this happens is that ideas become blurred and blunted — new concepts are used loosely, over- extended into areas that are unsuitable, and so forth. This happens largely because of a desire to achieve consensus, and attract a larger constituency of support, and even, perhaps, as an intentional strategy by others to weaken the idea’s influence. Another process that can occur is that, as they become increasingly ‘operationalized’ by technocrats, ideas also become distorted through, for example, excessive or inappropriate quantification. A third is that they are taken over by academic researchers, and become increasingly unsuited to the practical purposes of policy-makers. I shall refer to all these three processes in the following analysis of the ‘idea’ of humandevelopment.
Or consider the words reportedly spoken by Vising Rathod, a Hindu and notary public, about his action during an episode of cult violence in the Indian state of Gujarat. Leaving the safety of his house and pushing through a crowd of rioters, he had helped pull 25 Muslims from a burning mosque. ‘I did it out of humanity, because in my heart I knew it was the right thing to do’, he said. ‘There is much affection between the Hindus and Muslims here, and I could not just stand by and let them die. What has happened is shameful’ (quoted in Duff-Brown, 2002, p. A12). He speaks of connection, heart, affection, shame. More broadly-based skillful use of reason and emo- tion, it is true, could have led to a society in which Rathod’s Hindu neighbors would not have set the fire. But the world that Rathod, and we, live in today is not that world. Could anything less than ‘heart’ have moved him to action? Will anything less than heart actively promote humandevelopment, on a global scale?
I conduct a cross-country analysis of the humandevelopment index (HDI) components, income, life expectancy, literacy and gross enrolment ratios, using Gray and Purser’s 1970-2005 quinquennial database for 111 countries. 1) A descriptive analysis uncovers a complex pattern of divergence and convergence for these components’ evolution. Development is not a smooth process but consists of a series of superposed transitions each taking off with increasing divergence and then converging. 2) Absolute divergence/convergence for the HDI components is decomposed using simultaneous growth regressions including a full set of quadratic interactions between the HDI components, and indicators of urbanization, trade, institutions, foreign direct investment and physical geography. These are implemented, first, using three stage least squares, all of the non- exogenous independent variables fully instrumented, and second, as independent regressions with errors clustered by countries, again all non- exogenous variables instrumented. 3) A set of quantile regressions is run for the HDI component levels on the same variables (just the linear terms), again fully instrumented. Urbanization is a leading significant variable for humandevelopment indicators in both sets of estimates, stronger than trade, FDI and institutional indicators. These indicators act with ambiguous signs that may result from their distributive impacts, reducing their effectiveness. The results indicate that improving markets will have smaller returns than complementing them with institutions that can coordinate urbanization as well as investment in human capital. Urbanization itself can provide a concrete agenda for development involving all aspects of economic, political and social life as well as humandevelopment.
However, Costa Rica’s poverty level is comparatively low in the Latin American context. In perspective, one in three Latin Americans (180 million people in the region) still lives below the poverty line. In spite of scant progress in abating current levels of poverty, the country continues to stand out as an example of a middle- income country with comparatively high levels of humandevelopment. The profile of the poor population also shows little change in the last twenty years, a situation signaling the lack of effectiveness by a wide range of public policies and programs aimed at improving schooling and the quality of jobs. Poverty is mainly concentrated in people under 18 years of age, jobless, with incomplete primary education or low education levels in general, smallholders, and agricultural workers. It also has an increasingly urban face and persistently occurs in female-headed households. In between 1990 and 2012 the gap in the average schooling of the poor and the non-poor has widened.
high levels of one of the two elements neces- sarily translate into high levels of the other. A first conclusion that can be drawn is that the humandevelopment variable is not enough, on its own, to explain the complex phenomenon of migration. A greater level of humandevelopment is not always accompa- nied by lower emigration, nor is a low level of humandevelopment always a factor in emi- gration. Many variables —whose impact is also difficult to analyse— come together in terms of the origin and the persistence of mi- grations: economic inequalities and work and salary differences in the first instance, but also differences in politics (some places are more democratic than others or have higher levels of personal freedom); social issues (more widespread and consolidated protection systems); cultural aspects (some lifestyles are seen as more attractive than others); as well as the pressure on the coun- tries of origin of instability, insecurity, recu- rring crises and open conflicts, together with the availability of networks that allow migra- tion to exist and to be maintained.
The list in Table 2.1 reveals a view of transformation as understood by ordi- nary South Africans, demonstrating that people are able to articulate a vision of change and transformation which is practical, passionate and searches for empirical, visible evidence of progres- sive change at local (community) level. Such a vision and understanding links to that of the Freedom Charter and the RDP. However, participants’ perceptions of transformation since 1994 – of what has changed and what has remained the same for the poorest in the country – were mixed. All those interviewed indicated that there are fundamental changes at the political level; people are beginning to see themselves as citizens with the right to participate actively in all aspects of life. However, this right is meaningless when, for many, grinding poverty remains the reality. Some saw “the rich getting richer and the poor getting poorer”; “globalisation, usury, retrenchments, and the closing of small businesses”; “resources concentrated in the hands of the rich” and “slow change in rural areas”. The focus on access to education, to health care, work oppor- tunities, housing, basic necessities such as food and water, as needs reflected by poor people themselves, underscores the significance of humandevelopment indicators.
Another problem with the HDI is the implicit trade-off between life expectancy and income. For a country with an income per head less than the world average ($5,711 per year at 1993 purchasing power parity, which is about equal to the income per head of Costa Rica), an increase of annual Gross Domestic Product (GDP) per head of $99 will exactly compensate for 1 year less of life expectancy, so as to keep the HDI constant (Ravallion, 1997; other criticisms inviting further work are Hicks, 1997; Bardhan and Klasen, 1999). If the people in one poor country have 1 year less of life expectancy but $100 higher GDP per head than in another country, this country will have a higher HDI. The value attached to longevity rises sharply with income. For a country with twice the average income (about the income per head of Malta), an extra year of life is valued at $7,482 in income per head. At three times the average (about the income in the UK), it is worth $31,631, about twice the country’s income per head. At four times the average (about Switzerland’s income), its value reaches $65,038, about three times actual income. The implication is that life is far less valuable in poor countries than in rich ones. The value judgements underlying these trade-offs have been rightly rejected. So ‘HumanDevelopment’ and the HumanDevelopment Index are not ultimate insights, and other ideas will take their place.
development reporting a decade ago, some countries were doing astonish- ingly well despite low income, through concentration on particular types of social interventions, such as educational expansion, basic health care and epidemiology, and so on. The HumanDevelopment Reports duly recorded their success. However, it emerged that some of these economies also had basic problems which had not been adequately addressed, in the form of lack of transparency in business transactions which made them rather fragile. Perhaps more importantly, there was also the extreme vulnerability in a downturn of those whose economic viability depended entirely on a buoyant market — without any social safety net. While people were united on the way up, they were often very divided as they fell. The importance of this phenomenon, that of human security in general, requires a reorientation of factual concentration and of proper reection in development accounting. Fourth, there is the issue of democracy — its acceptance, and its working and practice. This also needs to be more fully taken up in the broad picture of humandevelopment. There is, related to this, the issue of accountability and the sharing of social responsibility.
development and limited social spending, although their electoral systems are proportional. Nevertheless, if we compare them with countries using majoritarian systems with similar development levels, we see that the latter are associated with even lower levels of social security. If we look at highly developed countries, a similar feature appears. Some countries are notable outliers in this relation. First, Germany, which has a mixed, mainly majoritarian system, enjoys a very high level of social spending with respect to its expected value, given its degree of proportionality. Indeed, it is almost comparable with The Netherlands (although the district magnitude is very different). As for Israel, we notice the opposite: given the level of proportionality of its system, we might have expected it to have higher levels of social spending. Of course, other effects intervene in this relation that might explain its position. Countries such as Canada and the United States are associated with very high levels of humandevelopment, even if they have relatively limited social expenditures. Finally, there is the example of Ireland, which, although under a proportional system, has a lower level of humandevelopment than Canada, with a similar level of expenditures. From this simple analysis, we only gain a very vague idea of the relationship between the considered variables. As will be explained further on, to obtain a more precise view, country effects and socio- democratic variables have to be accounted for.
What needs to be emphasized is that the issue of measurement is not one of the inevitable hiatus between concept and measurement. It is indeed a much larger issue — both in conceptual and empirical terms. Measurement would not be as critical if the HDRs and the MDGRs were mere academic exercises, and debates on their findings were confined to the intellectuals. However, the HDRs, by their very design, are visualized to be ‘tools for action’. Over the years, the reports have highlighted critical humandevelopment issues, articulated people’s perceptions and prio- rities, and have been actively used as tools for development planning. 5 Since humandevelopment is a people-centred concept, it is essential that data used in the HDRs should also be relevant from this point of view; that is, it should be demystified and made intelligible to the masses for whom the HDR is prepared and be readily accessible for use by people on whose lives the HDR has a profound impact. The NHDRs as well as the MDGRs are advocacy tools designed to raise awareness and generate debate on humandevelopment concerns.
Now, moving to other subjects where Sen has shown reluctance concerning Basic Needs approaches. On the first place; he disagrees on the issue that basic needs are defined in terms of commodities and the problem of converting commodities into capabilities (1984). He has argued on the individuality of commodity requirements to certain capabilities and the matter of preferences among each person. On this first remark, many authors have clearly state the difference between basic material needs and basic human needs (first one alludes to needs as satisfiers). Therefore, this assertion obviously misrepresents any human needs approach. However, on this former statement, it must be said that within the H-SD satisfiers are not only available economic goods or specified commodities, but instead are everything representing forms of being, having, doing and interacting contributing to the actualization of human needs. They characterize ways in which needs are expressed, and goods are means through which the person potentiates the appropriate satisfiers to live his/her own needs. This implies absolute freedom of choice, as they are indeed our ”values and beliefs who modify the simple and replicable structure of human needs” (Kamenetezky 1992,182). So, in case the H-SD theory was to be misunderstood, a note on this was thought of being pronounced.
abstract: In the digital age, the Media are today, fortunately, affordable instru- ments that progressively allow all human beings –up to now confined and silent– to know what is happening anywhere in the world, being able, in addition, to express their own views and opinions. This article insists on the value of Communication to achieve the equality of the human being in all the senses. “The same dignity –writes the author– as the foundation of the world we long for.” Keywords: Communication; Equality; Development; Internatio- nal Cooperation; Citizenship.
A broad summary of the theoretical literature on economic growth shows that this theory has transcended the neoclassical paradigm and that market rationality does not govern the humandevelopment process. Instead humandevelopment is the appropriate standard for rationality. Using Gidwitz et al’s (2010) database of humandevelopment index (HDI) components (income, life expectancy, literacy, gross enrolment ratios, 1970-2010) for 135 countries, together with indicators of the demographic transition, urbanization, technological change, sustainability, and institutions (15 variables), I construct a panel for the 1985-2010 quinquennia, instruments for the same variables using the 1970-1980 data and conduct a descriptive dynamic analysis. The HDI distribution is broadly twin-peaked, corresponding to the demographic transition. I construct a matrix of causal interactions between the 15 variables, using three types of instrumented regressions for each matrix entry: a) levels regressions; b) growth regressions; c) growth regressions also containing the contemporary growth of independent variables. This analysis is repeated for 3 subsamples obtained according to HDI levels and another 3 according to technological levels. The Hausman and Sargan test results show a ranking of endogenous determination and indirect impacts of the variables on each other that varies qualitatively for levels and growth and across HDI and technological levels. I also conduct regression sets (a) and (b) for the main sustainability indicators. The results are discussed in the light of a survey of the recent empirical literature on humandevelopment, which also highlights humandevelopment as freedom. The main development transitions are broadly advancing at different stages: fertility, infant mortality, the dependency ratio, literacy, enrolment, life expectancy, urbanization, varying substantively across HDI and technological levels. Also, there is a transition towards more democracy and less autocracy. However, at very low HDI levels income per capita decreased.
The photons from solar radiation that have more energy at the earth's surface level correspond to ultraviolet radiation. For this reason they produce biological actions of relevance to human health, such as skin burns, cataracts, vision and break of the bonds of DNA molecules . It have been defined internationally an index on the erythematic action (reddening of human skin) of this radiation, called UVI  which is a measure of the intensity of UV radiation on Earth's surface. Its value is bigger than zero and as it increases, the possibility of producing injuries in the skin and sight growths. This index can be obtained by measuring or by calculating its value based on models. The expression to calculate the UVI is based on the reference action spectrum of the erythemal of the International Commission on Illumination (ICI) and it is normalized to 1 for the 298 nm. The referral rate is dimensionless and is defined for a horizontal surface by the following expression:
Unequal development in the neoliberal context generates a new type of migration that can be characterised as forced – although the concept of forced migration does not apply to all migrants, it does characterise, to a great extent, current migration ﬂ ows. In the ﬁ eld of human rights, the term refers speci ﬁ cally to asylum seekers, refugees, or displaced persons. From a dominant perspective, most migrants cannot be grouped under this category because these popu- lation movements are supposedly carried out voluntarily and freely. However, it is also a fact that the dynamics of unequal development have led to structural conditions that foster the massive migration of dispossessed, marginalised, and excluded populations. People are literally expelled from their places of origin as they search for better livelihoods and social mobility oppor- tunities. Migration entails substantial risks and danger, as well as permanent exposure to precar- iousness and exclusion in destination countries. Moreover and as previously pointed out, migrants are often subjected to criminalisation and racist and discriminatory practices and policies that not only render them vulnerable and marginal but can also imperil their lives (Delgado Wise and Márquez, 2009).