The relationship between Uruguayan writer Juan Carlos Onetti andthe cinema is extensive and. When we analyze one of the many adaptations of his work, we have to consider that it is a relationship of double influence, since our author has also take from the cinema to develop one of the most extensive and essential works of Latin American literature. For this reason, it is increasingly common to find interpretations that propose a cinematic reading of Onetti's work. As part of a similar exercise, we propose to read the story "JacobandtheOther" (1961) in the light of his adaptation to the cinema made by Álvaro Brechner in Un mal día para pescar (2009). In doing so, Onetti's tale obtains new interpretations that can be reached by analyzing it with the eyes of the cinema.
Given how thorough he was in reviewing other sources, I assume that the judge took time to read our professional code, like I did, and located precisely in it, unlike I did, where that alleged ethical discordance lay. Chapter seven of the Professional Board’s Rules of Conduct Pertaining Specifically to Psychology (HPCSA, 2004:18-19) states, among other things, that: “A psychologist who performs psycho-legal (including forensic) functions, such as assessments, interviews, consultations, reports or expert testimony, shall comply with all theother provisions of the rules to the extent that they apply to such activities. In addition, a psychologist shall base his or her psycho-legal work on appropriate knowledge of and competence in the areas underlying such work, including specialised knowledge concerning specific populations” (HPCSA, 2004:18). With regard to what techniques or approaches are best suited to doing that, the code requires that “psycho-legal assessments, recommendations and reports are based on information and techniques sufficient to provide appropriate substantiation for the findings.” The code does not state, at least not anywhere that I could locate in it, that all psychologists undertaking psycho-legal work must exclusively, always and forever, use batteries of psychometric tests.
“judge,” the verbal form (“he judged”) is used in 1 Sam 7:6, 15, 17, and he also appoints his sons as “judges” (1 Sam 8:1–3). His role as judge also has priestly overtones, as when he sacrifices and calls on YHWH before battle but does not actually lead troops into battle. Thus, his functions as a judge coincide with those of priest. As with “judge,” the term “priest” or “Levite” is never used of him, but he frequently functions as a priest. He presides over several sorts of sacrifice, including the “whole burnt offering” ( ‘ōl â), the “sacrifice” (zeva ‛ ), andthe “well-being offering” (š ĕlām îm). Saul, on theother hand, is condemned for offering some of these same offerings. But Samuel’s role as visionary is also an indication of his priestly status. Visionary experiences were not exclusively associated with prophets but often occurred in a temple context. The high priest entered the Holy of Holies once a year, where he might have a vision of God, and his garments contained the ephod. Samuel’s initial visionary experience took place in Shiloh where he had access to the temple andthe ark of the covenant. The Chronicler resolves the potential conflict by making Samuel’s father Elkanah a Levite. So why does 1 Samuel label Samuel only as a prophet but not priest? There are three considerations: (1) Northern traditions often give leading figures, such as Abraham andJacob, prophetic features; (2) Numbers 3 shows awareness that the first-born functioned as priests before the tribe of Levi was designated in this role, as do other passages requiring the first-born to be redeemed; (3) The DtrH seems to have taken an earlier Samuel narrative in which he functions as a priest and edited it to characterize him as a prophet. To sum up, Samuel follows the model of priest in Northern Israel, where the first- born still functioned in this pre-Levitical role.
The one additional, but critical aspect of modern regional and regional innovation policies, is that by moving away from top-down and highly centralised policies these modern policy approaches need to operate in a multi-level governance environment (OECD, 2011b), and in the case of EU regional policy this is an explicit legal require- ment. Indeed, multi-level governance is a natural part of the EU interrelationships whereby individual national member states of the EU variously interact with, and also act in conjunction with, the European Union institutions in order to achieve com- mon goals. However, such multi-level governance arrangements also pose various additional sets of challenges regarding the definition and allocation of roles for the different governance tiers and jurisdictions along with their interactions with differ- ent types of actors and stakeholders. In the case of regional development policies the multi-level governance issues are in many ways more complex than in other EU poli- cies or programmes because local, city and regional governance bodies are almost always also involved in the policies as well as national governments acting in con- junction with the EU institutions. Yet, interestingly, in the EU case, it is worldwide lessons from the development experience of international institutions (World Bank, 2005; Dreher, 2009) working with transition and developing economies which have heavily shaped and re-shaped the EU approach to development. In particular, the need to implement and enforce conditionalities (World Bank, 2005; Dreher, 2009) on the part of all stakeholders has been enshrined in EU policy along with the need for an outcome-oriented approach (McCann, 2015) to be adopted at all stages of the policy design and delivery process. Indeed, the development of a regional innovation strategy for smart specialisation is now one of the conditionalities for receiving EU regional funding, as is the requirement to develop sets of indicators for monitoring the progress of a policy and to permit the evaluation of the policy.
Perhaps the most important problem for benefactive/malefactive theories of the directional dative is the fact that, as observed by Lehmann (1983:156f.), only some prefixes freely “take” directional datives: ante- ‘in front of’, prae- ‘before, in front of’, post- ‘behind, after’, in- ‘in’, sub- ‘under’, inter- ‘between’, ob- ‘in front of, against’; on theother hand, it seems that ad- ‘at, beside’, com- ‘with’ and super- ‘on, over’ may take dative if the unprefixed verb is transitive. In order to account for these prefix-related restrictions on the licensing of the directional dative, Lehmann hypothesises the existence of an avoidance principle: “avoid double accusatives”. Thus, if a transitive verb is prefixed with an accusative-taking preposition, the complement of that preposition/prefix would be an accusative, like the object of the unprefixed verb, and a double-accusative configuration would emerge, contravening the double-accusative filter. It is in these cases where the dative emerges, provided that the ablative is unavailable with these prepositions, andthe genitive is not a preposition-governed case. With intransitive unprefixed verbs the problem does not arise, since there is only one argument besides the nominative external argument: the one introduced by the prefix, which may appear as either accusative or ablative. Thus, dative marking of p-governed arguments is thought of by Lehmann (1983) as a preventive strategy to shun the double- acusative filter, andthe fact that the dative, and not other case, is used has to do with the fact that the genitive is not an adverbal case, while the accusative andthe ablative are not available, since the former is part of the problem to avoid (double accusative) andthe latter does not yield the right semantics. This explanation predicts that the strategy will apply only with accusative-taking prefixes; however, it fails to predict why the ablative-taking prefix com- is also found with datives when attached to a transitive base, as Lehmann himself observes. Moreover, Lehmann states that his explanation gains support from the fact that the prepositions/prefixes which take ablative most bluntly reject the dative, but Ernout & Thomas (1953:70-71) provide many examples of very frequent prefixed verbs where the ablative is in seemingly free distribution with respect to the dative. Thus, in the next examples the ablative-taking prefixes coappear with datives:
At the beginning of the twentieth century, during its first three decades, in architecture there was a change radical and all that was unprecedented, reflecting the society. One break with the past and will determination of renewal and transformation that swept all know nand who started the fight for modern life. We study in this paper the contri- bution of two women: Charlotte Perriand, and Lilly Reich, a renewal of architecture. Both share origin and training, were still anchored in the XIX century, were aware of the restrictions of this area private house, which had been closed. They Known what was needed at home and how to organize it, and applied to start the renovation from the inside of the architecture.
For each given moment, regardless of the position and proximity to me of this other human being whom I am contemplating, I shall always see and know something that he, from his place outside and over against me, cannot see himself: of his body that are inaccessible to his own gaze (his head, his face and its expression), the world behind his back, and a whole series of objects and relations, which in any of our mutual relations are accessible to me but not to him. As we gaze at other, two different worlds are reflected the pupils of our eyes. It possible, upon assuming an appropriate to reduce this difference of horizons to a minimum, but in order to annihilate this difference completely, it would be necessary to merge into one, to become one andthe same (22-23); of my seeing is the bud in which slumbers form, and whence form unfolds like a blossom. But in order that this bud should really unfold into the blossom of consummating form, the excess of my seeing must 'fill in' the horizon of theother human being who is being contem-plated, must render his horizon complete, without at the same time forfeiting his distinctiveness» (24).
The notion of community as temporary and always in process is key to understanding Jean-Luc Nancy’s ontological account of the ‘inoperative community.’ During the 1980s and early 1990s thinkers such as Jean-Luc Nancy, Maurice Blanchot or Jacques Derrida heralded a new trend that problematised the traditional understanding of community. The community or social arrangement that is generally taken for granted is called ‘organic’ or ‘operative’ 2 by these thinkers. Organic or operative communities are rooted on myth and based on essentialist tropes of nation, class, race, and/or gender. These communities are bound by a collective identity, which results from removing the alterity of each member so that all can fuse together into an undifferentiated whole. Thereby, these communities are ‘immanent,’ meaning that they are characterized by closure, and tend to protect themselves from alterity through a process that Roberto Esposito (2011) calls ‘immunization’ (exclusion of and protection from otherness). Alternatively, Nancy proposes the inoperative community as a collectivity that rejects closure, continuity, unity and universalism. In these communities persons are not seen as atomistic, egocentric individuals but as ‘singularities.’ Singularities are necessarily inclined towards other singularities and can only exist in plurality (Nancy calls this inclination clinamen 3 ). Singular beings open themselves to transcendence in a contact with alterity
With enyne I-14b, the desired tricyclic product I-15b was not observed in any experiments (entries 1-8). AuCl and cationic complexes E and F were unreactive andthe starting material was recovered (entries 1 and 5-6). Catalyst A andthe highly electrophilic complex H gave only decomposition (entries 2-3 and 7). Interestingly, a product identified as cyclobutanone I- 25b was isolated when catalysts B and I were employed (entries 4 and 8). Similarly, enyne I-14c was engaged in the metal-catalyzed reaction cascade. All the Au(I)-catalysts presented earlier gave complex mixtures or decomposition of the starting material. Platinacycle I did not change the outcome of the reaction. Ag(I) is also known to promote similar cyclization, 131,132 therefore we also screened catalyst J without any success.
We observed that in a F benjamina tree in Costa Rica the pollinator P. tristani as well as its parasitoid ldarnes, were attracted at the same time to two branches with receptive syconia. Most, if not aH, the syconia of two receptive branches, were penetrated by the pollinating agaonids the same day, and their attractiveness ceased completely after pollí nation occurred as normally happens to other species of figs. !ti is probable that the torymids andthe pteromalids fig wasps (subfamily Sycoryctinae) are also attracted to the syconía by the same synomones that attract the agaonid pollinators.
ABSTRACT: The sixties in the Southern Cone are widely known as the years of the social upheaval of a part of the rural population, urban workers and boys and girls, who were disappointed with formal politics and were committed and willing to promote deep social changes. However, it is possible to identify in that time actors who have resorted to the same repertoire of political actions with huge social impact, but were situated in a completely opposite ideological position. This paper intends to review some of the activities and discourses of young men recruited by radical right organisations in Argentina and Chile between 1959 and 1973. Our attention is focused on the “Movimiento Gremialista” andthe youth sections of the Partido Nacional andthe Frente Nacionalista Patria y Libertad (all of them from Chile) andthe Movimiento Nacionalista Tacuara andthe youngsters involved in the Federación Argentina de Entidades Democráticas Anticomunistas (Argentina). This comparative research has consulted to different sources: commercial press and partisan press, and Intelligence police reports.
In sum, Riechmann sets out to create models of democratic planning of the economy, and in some of his essays, presents examples of an ecosocialist program as well as strategies to carry out such a program once there is commitment to a transition. Amongst the author’s extensive essays addressing these issues, one in particular should be noted: El socialismo puede llegar sólo en bicicleta. This book is an exercise in synthesis, ordering and systematization of the politico-ecological thinking of Jorge Riechmann, of all of the materials with which he previously worked, along with the more developed arguments in his brilliant Pentalogía de la autocontención (Todos, Gente, Un mundo, Biomímesis, La habitación). These ideas form the basis for a treatment of these issues in his poetry, which offer an approach to lyrical synthesis, resonance andthe metaphorical potential of all these themes. In any case, as Niall Binns explains, the author addresses the socio-economic, political and ecological conflict “within poetry and from poetry” (315). That is, Riechmann knows how to articulate and analyze these problems using the resources of poetry, using their skills and potential, attracting those reflections to verse. For example, he communicates through the perspective of the ‘poetic I,’ which is shown as marked by trembling, and an attention towards the living, the interpellation of the reader and an objective intellectual penetration by lexical precision. In that sense, one could say that his poetry puts his theory into practice, which is exposed, contrasted and discussed in his books of essays. His essays unfurl aspects that appear condensed, that have been clarified through the poetic purification, in his poems.
el viento, decía él. El gusto público por alegorías y adivinanzas qué interpretar, y el sortilegio de su palabra, hacen que muchos lectores se dejen llevar por lo armonioso y esotérico antes que por la comprensión de sentido. No obstante, Barba-Jacob es el más profundo de los poetas colombianos. Demostrarlo requiere un ensayo aparte, pero su vigencia lo confirma. La elección del tiempo es irrefutable. Refiriéndose a Barba-Jacob, dice Manuel Mejía Vallejo: “Cuando los versos se repiten mucho parecen desgastarse, pero ellos mismos, después de años de silencio, recuperan su valor original porque el desgaste radicaba en el lector, no en el poema”.
Other initiatives used typical strategies to re-signify everyday places. For example, in 2016 they withdrew Francoist images and changed the name of four streets according to the Historical Memory laws. At that time Levantemos were not in the town council, but their vote was important in taking forward the initiative that replaced Falangist names with those of Republican figures such as Daniel Ortega, a prominent Communist mili- tant resident in El Puerto de Santa María, who was shot in 1941. It should also be not- ed that, at the suggestion of Levantemos at the Plenary Session, two roundabouts were named in working-class neighbourhoods: the “Mothers of Andad” roundabout, as a tribute to a key group of the Foro Social Por- tuense that has stood out for the fight against drug trafficking and in favour of the rehabili- tation of drug addicts; andthe “Women of the Esperanza Neighbourhood” roundabout, to recognise the struggle by the female res- idents of this area who confronted drug traf- fickers. Some of these residents were activ- ists of the Foro Social and Levantemos.
1. Regarding five influence factors on the mechanical properties, the results show that high water/lime ratios produce structural weakening and reduce the mechanical properties. High relative humidity (97 ± 0.5%) is more suitable than ambient laboratory conditions for the hydration of the compounds of NHL mortars and for the increase of its ductility; however, in the case of aerial lime mortars, such high humid conditions are less favorable than drier ones for the carbonation process. Moreover, using wooden molds also improves these properties as they absorb the excess of free water, although this effect seems to be local and results in a non-homogeneous material. When maintaining constant water/lime ratios, introducing aggregates with higher grain size (in this case a well-graded sand with maximum grain size of 4 mm) improves the mechanical properties. Mortars with river sand have lower mechanical properties than crushed limestone aggregates as the interlocking among particles is not so effective. Certainly, if the water/lime ratio also varies at the same time, the tendency would be different. Furthermore, some empirical formulas are proposed for the first time among several mechanical properties of the lime mortars andthe compressive strength from prisms. They can be useful to predict some mechanical properties just by measuring the compressive strength from prisms due to the convenience of conducting the test.
The majority of Bantuists have not attempted to coin characteristic terms to distinguish between the individual tenses occurring within the relative tense system. Poulos and Msimang (1998:307), however, propose two possibilities in this regard. They propose the use of terms such as ‘past future present tense’ and ‘perfect future present tense’. As a second option they suggest that the naming of the particular tense be done by naming the ‘monoverbal tenses that combine to form this compound tense’. Again the preceding discussion of the relative tenses rules out both strategies proposed by these two scholars.
Physical restraint (PR) is to restrict a person’s freedom of movement by using devices such as belts (wrist, ankle), bilateral bedrails, limb, trunk, chairs(1). PR is applied to prevent the patients from damaging themselves and their environ- ment, keep the patients under control and prevent the removal of their connections(2,3). Despite its benefit to the patient, it is an act, which limits the autonomy of the patient, that can be harmful and abusive. The use of improper PR may lead to physical, functional, and psychological damage in the patient(4). Although it is a controversial is- sue in terms of ethical principles such as respect for the individual/autonomy, maleficence/benefi- cence, and it is recommended as a last resort in practice, PR is widely used(5-8). While worldwide prevalence of PR varies between 7-75%, in Tur- key, particularly in intensive care services, this per- centage increases upto 90%(9-12,6). Despite the standards of PR determined by the guidelines(4,5) studies show that health professionals have insuffi- cient knowledge and practice about many subjects such as the adverse effects, risk factors, and alter- native methods of PR(2,6,12-14).