As part of a major project on left dislocation in the recent history of the English language, this paper aims at defining the Left Dislocation phenomenon taking data from a lateModernEnglish corpus as a point of departure. Given that the label LD has not been uniformly applied to the same periphery phenomena across the board in the specialized literature, it is crucial to make clear what I understand and label as LD in order to continue on with functional and pragmatic analyses in my future research. Furthermore, the aim of this paper is to point out several grammatical features (both syntactic and semantic) which have an effect on the conception of the examples retrieved as more or less prototypical examples of LD, or as non-LD. I base this investigation on data taken from two electronic collections containing literary texts from the Britain of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. After a previous selection of texts, a corpus of over six hundred thousand words was gathered for each century, adding up to an overall corpus of more than one million two hundred words. All LD tokens here presented have been retrieved through manual search.
My stay in Birmingham could not have been the same without the comfortable environment of the Wesley International Hall, and I would like to thank all the staff and fellow residents for making it a real home away from home. I would also like to thank my fellow visiting researchers at CARE, with whom more than a coffee was shared, and, particularly, Dr. Isabel Herrando-Rodrigo, for her good ideas and friendly chat over coffee, lunch, drinks or Full English breakfasts somewhere in Bristol Road. I could not forget my colleagues, and now friends, in our research group: Gonzalo Camiña, Inés Lareo, María José Esteve, Iria Bello, Estefanía Sánchez, Paula Lojo, Emma Lezcano, and Isabel Moskowich. In some manner or other, from compiling our corpus to providing good advice, this is also yours. A special place among them is reserved to my colleague and fellow sufferer Maria Monaco, for her advice, help, and proofreading, and for her psychological support whenever I had one of my (admittedly fairly frequent) crises. I must also extend this gratitude to my fellow PhD students in the faculty, and particularly to Sonia Rico for all these years of office-sharing in our beloved (but ultimately cold) “catacombs”.
Thus, the time span selected follows unambiguous motives. In general, the lateModernEnglish period is characterised by antagonistic tendencies regarding language. A movement that purported the customary use of Latin in scientific texts coexisted with another that suggested that disseminating knowledge in the vernacular would undoubtedly reach a wider audience. Also, to make matters worse a third movement intended to create a universal scientific language from scratch. Though the date for the vernacularisation of science has been set as early as 1375 (Taavitsainen & Pahta 2004), it is nonetheless certain that we cannot talk about an outburst of texts written in English until the turn of the seventeenth century, with a consolidation in the eighteenth, since even the most important promoters of the scientific revolution published their works in Latin in the first place (Bacon’s Novum Organum, Newton’s Principia). In sum, the eighteenth century seems, therefore, a fairly reasonable moment in the history of the English language to begin an approach to the morphological devices employed in the period to coin new linguistic elements. We must bear in mind, however, that changes happening in the eighteenth century are not likely to be largely observed until the following century, especially those closer to the turn of the century. Future studies using the nineteenth century section of the Coruña Corpus will definitely address this issue.
The nineteenth century witnesses the competition between courtesy markers in requests, with please gaining ground at the expense of older pray. In this paper I will account for the situation of these markers in different stages of the 19th and early 20th centuries: 1860-1889 and 1890-1919, using A Corpus of LateModernEnglish Prose. Despite its small size, this corpus, comprising epistolary collections and a diary part, enables us to undertake a sociolinguistic study of the use of the markers. We can explore how the renewal of the courtesy marker took place, paying special attention to who requests whom and how they do it.
As Tse and Hyland (177) claim, the use of community discourses helps speakers become members of social groups, defining them in relation to others. They go on to argue that institutional contexts privilege certain ways of making meanings, and it is in this sense that I have used the words “specialised vocabulary” and “domain-specific vocabulary.” In a way, using a particular set of words helps create some kind of professional identity. But the women whose works I have studied here, although discipline-insiders, operated outside institutionalised circles due to the circumstances in which they lived in the lateModernEnglish period. Tse and Hyland also claim that discipline is an important source of variation (179) and this is why I have chosen to study one single discipline and to explore what happens within it. Language choice seems to be heavily influenced by discipline and subject matter much more than by gender, and thus I have chosen not to compare gender-related language but language, vocabulary in particular, and to do so within the discipline of history at its very beginnings as an independent field of knowledge, after the emergence of Empiricism, once science had stopped being a totum revolutum and when different branches with their own rules began to appear.
In the 20 th century, some controversies arose regarding the origins of the periphrastic forms; in González-Díaz’s words (2008: 15): a ‘chronological’ and a ‘philological’ controversy, which have to do with the beginning of periphrastic forms and whether periphrastic constructions appeared as a result of internal changes or due to language contact. Wright’s study (1913) proved that in LateModernEnglish inflectional forms for adjectives were preferred in almost all English dialects. In trying to propose a rigorous analysis of this perspective, Mustanoja (1960) stated that the reluctant attitudes towards the use of a periphrastic mode of comparison in English dialects might suggest that this was not present in the original repertoire of English linguistic structures, and, probably, these forms gained ground as a result of the influence of French during the 13 th and 14 th centuries, by analogy with French periphrastic constructions like plus miser sim, i.e. ‘I am more miserable’ (see Danchev, 1989: 170, 172–173). However, other authors, such as Pound (1901), resort to the influence of Latin as the most plausible reason behind the rise in periphrastic forms of adjectives in Middle English, a period in which Latin was considered the language of culture and civilisation, and was mainly used by educated classes of society. Pound found that English and Latin shared a similar structural construction regarding analytic forms (for instance, the elative use of superlatives, e.g. most brave man, which she considered a calque on Latin absolute constructions ‘vir fortissimus’). Accordingly, she believes that this might have been the case with the English periphrastic mode of comparison.
The implementation of immersion type or Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL) educational programs (Cenoz, Genesee and Gorter, 2014) is arguably one of the few, if not only, educational reform effort and pedagogical innovation developed in Spain that seems to have broad support across Spanish regions (i.e. Spanish Autonomous Communities with control over educational policies and programs), the political spectrum in regional governments and is consistently demanded by families and students at all levels of the Spanish educational system. Within Spanish educational politics, this consensus could be seen as surprising given the history of political and ideological tensions in relation to practically every other major educational issue (Marchesi, 2000). Admittedly, critical voices have emerged in recent years (Roncero, 2018), but a closer look at these analyses suggests that the major concerns are around issues of equity and how the «bilingual educational programs» foster tracking and exclusionary practices within schools. Thus, the challenge is not so much on the extension of a CLIL-type curriculum, but on how this possible extension can be achieved while guaranteeing and extending equal educational opportunity (cf. Mijares and Relaño-Pastor, 2011). Even these critical sources acknowledge that the implementation of these linguistic programs respond to the socio-educational imperatives of globalized labor and economic markets together with European integration, which require multilingual students/citizens, and in which English, for better or worse, has the leading role (De Castro, 2014).
One is also tempted to travel north and to add that in eighteenth century United States and all the way through most of U.S. history to the present time, British narratives of nationality have provided an honorable predecessor of national identity for the first Republic. Thy also helped to conceptualize the “American nation”. Indeed, despite a bloody war of independence and other lingering skirmishes the prestige of Britain never waned. Before and through the process leading to the American Revolution of 1776, the colonies embraced ideas and defini- tions of the “nation” that endured long after. In fact, the definition of the new nation (a special kind of people devoted to freedom and des- tined to a grand missionary future) nicely dia- logued with notions of national identity that developed during the colony. Civil religion in America added a very important ingredient to national self-consciousness because it rein- forced the ties uniting the American Nation as a republic with a pre-revolutionary notion of the nation under British rule. 13 Carlos Escude and Matthias vom Hau’s papers, therefore, show the importance of colonial pasts and pre- modern times in the forging of nationality.
Both samples belong to the late 14 th /early 15 th century, the moment when scientific texts of different kinds were beginning to be written in English. Ver- nacularisation was not complete, however, as attested by the fact that our medi- cal extract was copied around 1400 and contains items in English, Latin, and French, the same as does Chaucer’s. The gradual disappearance of multilingual- ism from scientific texts is symptomatic of an increasing degree of vernaculari- sation (Pähta – Taavitsainen 2004: 11). Moreover, and considering the tri- partite hierarchical classification of medieval discourse forms, from most to least learned (commentaries, compilations and question-answer formulae (Taavitsainen 2004: 38)), and considering the intended audience/readership, our samples would seem to correspond to the lowest of these discourse forms: only the bare concepts/ideas are presented, with no exegesis or interpretations of contents. In the case of Chaucer, the text 2 is presented as an answer to a ques- tion by a child, whereas the compiler of the medical text intended to bring inde- pendent material together in one book probably because he wanted it to be used by practitioners. In both cases, the conscious use of English, as explicitly men- tioned by Chaucer, seems to simplify the subject matter.
examination of the linguistic factors that might determine such a change leads to the conclusion that none of them can be considered responsible for this ongoing change. Thus, the decay of passives cannot be attributed to an increasing colloquialization of English (Mair, 1998), or to the fact that the scientific discourse may be becoming more personal or subjective (Taavitsainen, 2002). The only factors apparently at work are sociocultural in nature, and concern the pressure derived from an increasingly competitive scientific market, which makes it necessary to design scientific discourse in such a way that it reaches a wide readership. The desired aims are no longer to create an objective and abstract kind of discourse which integrates pompous and elaborate linguistic devices, but to create a clear and accessible discourse. This urge to make scientific English more accessible, together with a widespread tendency to democratise discourse (Fairclough, 1992), would make it advisable to suppress all the linguistic traits which, while making it slow and elaborate, do not have a clear pragmatic function. My hypothesis is that passives, which were introduced in scientific English in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries with the specific purpose of making it impersonal, detached and objective, have become conventionalised, i.e. thoughtlessly adopted merely because they add ‘scientific flavour’ to texts; they have become deprived of a specific pragmatic function, and therefore are being elided in informative writing.
33. It is obvious that the numerous books and pamphlets about the Great Siege published immediately after the momentous event to immortalise Christian prestige, more or less paid tribute to the bravery of the Knights. Well-known and often quoted by modern scholars is the Spanish version of Balbi de Correggio's eyewitness account La verdadera Relacion de todo lo que este año de 1565 ha succedido en la Isla de Malta. Alcalá, 1567 (further editions were printed in 1588 and 1598 in Barcelona ) and Pietro Gentile's. El sucesso de la guerra de la potentisima armada del gran Tyrano Turco,Ottoman Solyman, venida sobre la Isla de Malta: en la qual se cuenta particularmente lo que en ella passo, en la victoria que los christianos huvieron en ella. Barcelona, 1566. For a contemporary description in Latin of the Great Siege then available in Spain cf. Conte Gironimo Alessandrini. De acerrimo ac omnium difficillimo Turcarum Bello in Insulam Melitam gesto, anno
London Teenage Language). I will also consider examples taken from online editions of British and American newspapers and magazines, including The Daily Mail, Daily Mirror, The Guardian, Time Magazine and The New York Times. My analysis, then, will be based primarily on spoken language data extracted from the corpora and on reported speech taken from newspapers and magazines. Some reflections will then be made on the implications of the findings here for the teaching of English in this area, with particular reference to university level teaching. With the evidence of new data, this paper tries to confirm findings of previous studies (Cheshire 1991, 1997; Krug 1998; Andersen 2001; Stenström, Andersen and Hasund 2002; Anderwald 2002, 2005) as well as provide new insights into the analysis of some salient features of non-standard negation in present-day English.
Within their lithology 2, Faucher et al. (1971) identify, among others, the planktic foraminifers Globotruncana [= Gansserina] gr. gansseri Bolli, 1951, Plummerita hantken- inoides (Bro¨nnimann, 1952), Rugoglobigerina macrocephala Bro¨nnimann, 1952, R. cf. reicheli Bro¨nnimann, 1952, and R. gr. rugosa (Plummer, 1926), along with the benthic foraminifers Rzehakina epigona var. lata Cushman and Jar- wis, 1929, Siphogenerinoides cf. bramlettei Cushman, 1929, S. cretacea Cushman, 1929, and S. reticulatus Stone, 1946 (det. J. Sigal). South of Santa Ana, in the Quebrada Salada, we collected Platyceramus sp., of late Coniacian–early Maastrichtian age from the undifferentiated Jada´n Forma- tion. Near Cumbe, shales and marls with limestone nodules and arkosic sandstone interbeds ascribed to the Jada´n For- mation yield planktic and benthic foraminifers; the associa- tion of Bulimina midwayensis (Cushman and Parker, 1936) (Campanian–Paleocene), Haplophragmoides aff. horridus (Grzybowski, 1901) (Campanian–Paleogene), Hedbergella
For the present research we use the definition of culture suggested by social anthropologist Geert Hofstede (2004 ). He views culture as “the software of the mind”, or collective mental programming of the human mind. According to him, this programming is formed under the influence of a person’s social environment and life experience. It starts in the family and continues at school, at the workplace, in the community etc. Culture as a mental program affects all aspects of human activity including verbal communication. In order to find out which differences in verbal behaviours of American English and Ukrainian native speakers are culture specific we use the dimensions of culture introduced by Geert Hofstede (2004 ) and Edward Hall (1976). Despite much criticism that Hofstede’s model of cultural variability have caused, it is one of the most widely applied models for cross-cultural comparisons. Hall’s dimensions, especially the one referred to as context, will help us compare the communication styles prevalent in the two cultures under analysis. The dimensions are presented below. The first four of them were introduced by Hofstede whereas the last two by Hall.
In these two narratives there are none of the attention to gar- ments, colors, deeds of bravery, and the like found in Muntaner’s des- cription of the coronation of Alfonso IV in 1327, in Alfonso XI’s knighting, ceremonial unction, and coronation in 1332, or in the detai- led accounts of the feasts of 1428 found in several of John II’s chroni- cles. All of these aforementioned accounts predated, some by a centu- ry and a half, those of Hernando del Pulgar and Andrés Bernáldez’s chronicles, so, once again, it is difficult to posit a rising and steady progression of levels of literary representation of festive events from the late Middle Ages into the modern period with the concomitant higher levels of symbolic representation. Here it suffices to reiterate that each event was sui genesis and so were the different chronicles that narrated these events. The context and the writer determined the nature and extent of the text. In the case of 1477, both chronicles chose to emphasize other aspects that, for them and for the Catholic Monarchs themselves, were far more significant. In the case of Her- nando del Pulgar, the entry was secondary to Isabella’s meting of justice to an unruly and divided Seville, and the literal and symbolic fashion in which she did so. On Fridays the Queen held public audien-
37 acceptance. English purists had for the most part failed to find consensus concerning the best approach to tackle the issue of borrowings and the construction of lexical equivalents, and consequently, the English purist venture did not succeed, with very few lexical coinages achieving full currency in the language. Given this lack of unity and agreement purist writers, therefore, were not able to vie with the overwhelming influence and great popularity the classical languages enjoyed, and consequently, they eventually succumbed to the unstoppable invasion of foreign terms. It was only with the resolution of the issue of "inkhorn terms" that borrowings from classical languages eventually became an unquestionable element of English. At last, the language had achieved the same eloquence and lexical expressiveness as the classical languages. In this regard, Mulcaster concludes in The Elementarie that "the English tung cannot proue fairer, then it is at this daie" (qtd. in Holland 197). Likewise, William Camden (1551‒1623) categorically affirms that English has managed to become a "copious language, pithy and signiticative, as any other in Europe" (qtd. in Limbird 133), though he admits that it had achieved such status through the "artful" compilation of many foreign words. In this same vein, Peter Heylin (1599‒1662) remarks:
«Late», no por la conjugación del verbo latir, sino como apócope de «la tengo». Todos los que hayamos pasado por un patio escolar en edad primaria hemos jugado a las figuritas. Pequeñas siluetas de cartón de formas geométricas con imágenes que representan las más variadas temáticas, personajes de alguna película o de al- gún programa de televisión del momento, o asociadas al mundo del deporte (casi siempre fútbol) con el rostro de los jugadores de cada equipo del campeonato local o del torneo mundial en disputa. Develaría mi edad si dijera que también las hubo de chapa pintada, un latón de forma circular con impresos de automovilismo.
In sorne cases, activities which require students to perform guided dialogues or games involving student interaction in English will be modelled as an exercise on the tapes. You can use these exercises as preparation for the children to perform their own dialogues.
Writing has been for several thousand years, and nowadays is more important than ever. Having spread steadily over the centuries from clay tablets to computer chips, it is poised for further dramatic advances. Although hundreds of millions of people are still unable to read and write, humanity relies on writing to an unprecedented extent. It is quite possible that, today, more communication takes place in the written than in the oral mode. There is no objective measure, but if there were any doubts, the Internet explosion has laid to rest the idea that for the human race at large writing is only a ‘minor’ form of communication. It is not risky to call writing the single most consequential technology ever invented. The immensity of written record and the knowledge conserved in libraries, data banks, and multilayered information networks make it difficult to imagine an aspect of modern life unaffected by writing. ‘Access’, the catchword of the knowledge society, means access to written intelligence. Writing not only offers ways of reclaiming the past, but is a critical skill for shaping the future.
from OE to PE, their similarity has been exaggerated. It is true that we can ﬁ nd the seeds of modern progressives in the OE period, but beon/wesan +-ende was just an indication of what the pattern was to become later in ME and eModE. It was during the latter period that expanded forms became more in- tegrated within the verbal system, their functions being more clearly deﬁ ned than they were in OE and ME, and their use becoming more and more consistent. Therefore, eModE can be considered to be a relevant period in the history of be + -ing because most of the functions that characterize the mod- ern progressive were undoubtedly present in this period, and the periphrasis was used in many cases with the same value and with the same purposes as the modern cluster.