2001), which create “complex inequalities” (McCall, 2001). At fi rst, this approach made it possible to identify the limitations of “additive” discrimination analysis on gender and race. This method assumes inequality consists of the sum of discriminatory prac- tices, thereby making the inequalities suffe- red by black women invisible as the focus has been on the discrimination experienced by white women and black men (Crenshaw, 1989). Thus, the intersectional approach aims to go beyond additive analyses and serves to unveil the fact that inequalities in- tersect, overlap and are at times concealed. Moreover, social norms regarding what is good and bad (such as good and bad wo- men, acceptable and unacceptable violen- ce) in the best of cases may be a response to emancipatory demands of one part of a group (in this case, certain women), but not to the problems of those who are at the mar- gins of the group (for example, poor, black or migrant women), and this has conse- quences in the establishment of public po- licies. Although this approach also has its limitations, it has, over time, become a point of reference for public policy in Europe (Yu- val-Davis, 2006).
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All of these points to a key conclusion: we must move beyond the notion that violence is “natural” and normal for men. We must move beyond a repressive model of violence prevention, or a public health model that too often ignores struc- tural inequalities, or the blaming of individuals (even as we must hold individuals accountable for their actions). We must instead see the patriarchal structures that create violence. We must see the need for human connection and equality and see as more common and frequent our resistance, as women and men, to violence. We must remove the financial interests in repressive security policies – taking away the profit motive from arms manufacturers, consulting firms, and for-profit prison industries that benefit from the repression and incarceration of men and women. We must focus on equitable, non-violent, caring versions of manhood and woman- hood, and of humanity. We must build states that in addition to counting violence, create and measure public good, public welfare, and social equity. When these are in place, patriarchal violence will truly decline.
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Background: Studies reporting similar fi gures of couple (man-woman) violence and works questioning the validity of the instruments employed have generated controversy about the conceptualization of this construct. One of the critical issues is the different ways of perceiving violence between men and women, as well as its nature in the cultural context. This may affect self-reported answers. Method: A questionnaire evaluating the degree of violence perceived in ten kinds of psychological partner abuse was applied. 1750 students from Spain and Mexico, all of them randomly selected, completed it. Results: Through MANOVA, greater perception of violence in the Spanish sample than in the Mexican one was obtained; in both countries, there was a greater perception in women than in men. Effects of gender-culture interaction were obtained in four dimensions: Isolation, Sexual Pressure, Emotional Manipulation, and Dominance. Multidimensional scaling showed two perceived dimensions: (1) “Proactive-Passive Tactics”, stronger in the Spanish culture and (2) “Punitive-Emotional Tactics”, stronger in the Mexican culture. Conclusions: These results confi rm gender-culture effects in perception of psychological violence in the partner.
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just, but don’t be representatives of division, ok?”) offers a representation in which “odio” (“hatred”) and “división” (“division”) are two values endorsed and defended by those women that denounce that there is a more complex issue behind gender violence. These values break the social order, which determines that there exist two distinct sexes. The demands of one of them, i.e. women, could be detrimental to the rights of the other, i.e. men, as is manifested in the utterance “entonces no habría derechos de la mujer, no habría igualdad de condiciones para ambos sexos” (“then there wouldn’t be women’s rights, there wouldn’t be equal conditions to both sexes”). The connector “entonces” (“then”) signals a relationship of cause and effect between the idea that women have gained civil rights and that there is gender equality in all social fields as a consequence of the first idea. The stance in the triggering post is considered a radicalized, extreme vision of the state of the art and quite distant from social reality since legislative advances have given women and men the same legal rights. Therefore, the text producer suggests that the granting of certain public rights, such as suffrage, is already a guarantee of gender equality in every social field, be it public or private. Besides, in “ni siquiera existiría la homosexualidad” (“there wouldn’t even exist homosexuality”), homosexuality is considered a possible sexual identity as a consequence of the rights granted—e.g. the sanction of the same-sex marriage law in 2010. Hence, the statement establishes an implicit causal relationship between political advances, which also involves advances in human rights issues, and social tolerance as regards sexual diversity.
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The highest marginal effects are obtained when the husband/partner consumes alcohol and when he takes part in fights or has been in jail. They increase the probability of DV toward the woman by 11% and 14% respectively. The size and positive sign of the “ratio of children younger than 5” (more younger children, larger number) could indicate that the presence of older children acts to protect the woman from DV, or, that more young children adds stress to the relationship and increases the likelihood of DV. Finally, the dummy variable of Barranquilla was highly significant and positive: due to unknown reasons, the measured incidence of DVW in Barranquilla is 24% higher than in Barrancabermeja. 12 It is not possible to know whether this result implies that men in Barranquilla are more aggressive toward women, that women in Barranquilla respond more openly to a survey like the DVS, or both. The result reveals that the three cities, even though in the same country, have marked differences in terms of culture, traditions and difficult to measure cultural aspects such as “machismo”.
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Human Rights of Mexico reported that Mexico, just behind Brazil, ranks second among Latin American countries in the number of crimes connected to homophobia (Ambriz-Padilla, 2013). A testament to this is the fact that between the years of 1995 and 2006, there were 420 reported murders linked to homophobia (Letra, 2009). These numbers do not reflect even a fraction of the full picture of violence experienced by sexual minorities given that most crimes go unreported in Mexico. There exists significant distrust of police and the legal system in Mexico, and this is likely to be even more common among sexual minorities given that hate crimes are rarely investigated. The “Comisión Ciudadana Contra los Crímenes de Odio por Homofobia” (Citizen Commission Against Homophobic Hate Crimes, 1999) has estimated that for each hate crime that has been documented there are at least three undocumented cases. The impunity that exists has obvious implications for the mental health of LG communities in Mexico, but unfortunately the clinical implications of this homophobia and violence on Latin American LG communities have largely been ignored (Deanet al., 2000).
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La tabla muestra el análisis capítulo a capítulo y minuto a minuto: El comienzo es claro, así nos lo muestran y nos lo quieren hacer saber desde Mad Men. El primer capítulo es crucial para entender el machismo que va a retratar la serie, si nos fijamos en el gráfico 1, 11 fragmentos componen la gráfica donde el machismo toma fuerza. La primera columna es muy superior al resto. Mientras, en los siguientes capítulos bajan considerablemente. Comenzar una serie así no es casualidad, es causalidad: un anticipo de lo que va a venir y una advertencia sobre quién gobierna en este mundo publicitario de 1960.
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Workplace violence is defined as “incidents where staff are abused, threatened or assaulted in cir- cumstances related to their work”(6). Since vio- lence affects all sectors and workers, health sector is also a risk group(2). 25% of all violent acts take place in the health sector. Health care workers su- ffer from violence 16 times more frequently than the other occupational groups. Health care wor- kers are assaulted more frequently than guardians, police force, drivers, and bank employees. Half of health care workers are affected from violen- ce. Among the health care workers, nurses suffer violence three times more often than others(2,3). According to the study of European Foundation performed in 2000, 3 million of the 130 million workers in the European Union had suffered physical violence within the last 12 months(7). Studies abroad focusing on violence in the health sector report the frequency of physical violence
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First, it is essential to analyze the terms sex and gender. Sex refers to a biological distinction, while gender is the term used to describe socially constructed categories based on sex. Furthermore, it is necessary to point out the features women and men have in many fields. Physically speaking, women have more fatty tissue and less muscle, men are stronger than women and women mature more rapidly and generally live for more years. There are important social factors to take into account, such as; women might survive longer than men due to the divergent roles they have in society and jobs they are inclined to do. Men usually have more pressure than women in life hence they are the support of the family. Under these circumstances, the same language women and men speak can be different in the way they use it through time.
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Additionally, we include the average education of the caregivers, using a categorical variable with the following levels: no education, primary education, secondary education, or higher education ( , ). We also include a vector of control variables ( , ) with characteristics of the parents, their children, and the home they live in. These include: the logarithm of the per capita household income (allowing us to differentiate between the effect of material poverty and subjective feelings of scarcity), the age of the parents, the age and sex of the child, binary variables taking the value of 1 if the father and mother live in the home and 0 otherwise, the number of people living in the home, the number of underage children in the home, a binary variable taking the value of 1 if the household is located in an urban area, and fixed effects for belonging to an ethnic minority. Equally, we control for the use of time, measured with a variable built from a question asking parents about the activity to which they dedicated the most time in the week before the survey, with five possible options: work, looking for work, studying, housework, or incapacitated. Finally, the residual term captures the variation in other characteristics – observable and unobservable – that affect the probability of parental inattention, but that are not explicitly included in the model.
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T he present study hopes to contribute to the tradition of territorial analysis, concentrating particularly on the aspect of interaction. First, the methodological tools used are pre- sented; secondly, the subject of metropolitan areas is analyzed; thirdly, the results on the incidence areas of the main centers are presented; fourthly, the configuration of the macro-regions is analyzed, and the territorial structure of the Colombian physical space and of these macro regions is examined. Fi- nally, a synthetic recompilation is made, and the main results exposed. Though the phenomenon of metropolization has been known for a long time, its importance is relatively recent. In 1973, metropolization appears incipient in the Colombian cit- ies; its presence could only be detected in six of them and ten were the metropolized municipalities. In 1993, metropolization has advanced in an important manner: its presence is detected in 18 urban centers and the metropolized municipalities reached 45. With regard to the macro regional configuration, in 1973 the conformation of three major nucle- ated macro regions is detected, one in each of the three main centers of the country: one central macro-region agglutinated by Bogotá, a second macro region, Antioquia, nucleated by Medellin, and a third macro region called Occidental, nucle- ated by Cali. In 1993, the existing macro-regions increased their territories and their ratio of national population involved, with the exception of the regions of Antioquia and Montería which lose somewhat in relative population terms.
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The communication campaigns produced within new-feminism using these techniques, which have become baggage shared of social movements, they are mainly intended to deconstruct gender stereotypes, to unveil the asymmetry underlying the relationships, to denounce violence latent in many behaviors considered normal in the everyday life. But not only. Faithful to the practice of critical self-reflexive, new-feminist campaigns not even save themselves and areas of motion within which they develop and are diffused. They put a theme, so much provocative as it is effective, the fact that the same self-organized social spaces, meaning this term in the broadest sense (events, festivals, meetings), are never to be considered once and for all spaces freed from gender violence, prejudices, from machismo. In the paths of sharing, processing and production of campaigns and mobilizations are put in motion processes instead of (self-) critical analysis of practices and ways of relating within groups themselves. The issue of gender violence so immediately immerses us in this dimension of self-reflexivity, because it imposes a very high level of awareness and ability to recognize themselves as part of the problem in question. The movement itself becomes the field of political intervention, showing the problem of asymmetry in gender relations and (therefore) of power within it, and thus questioning its nature and form. Another central aspect of the communicative work of movements, in particular new-feminist, is to networking, tool unavoidable diffusion of materials and connection between different experiences. Almost all policy documents in fact today traveling on network and are available to all realities for their reproduction; appeals to assemblies, for communication campaigns, and the same flow of information circulating via blogs, mailing lists and websites. On the issue of violence against women, in the sense of discursive and performative device of gender relations, new- feminist collective have produced different types of public campaigns involving the production and dissemination of materials including computer awareness and denunciation of its causes and social consequences. In particular I want to mention three campaigns, significant for the dimension of the involvement of groups that have participated in their formulation and implementation of social reality.
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The aim of the study has been to learn about the beliefs the student body of the National University of the East (Paraguay) has about equality and gender violence as well as to determine the causes and risk factors so as to propose effective interventions that will help prevent occurrence of the problem and that will bring about change in society through education. The study was carried out in 2015 and it focused on students’ representations and experiences regarding gender violence, a survey was conducted among a sample of 467 students from all academic programmes at the university. The sample, from a total population of 5678 students, was put together through random sampling of conglomerates. The findings suggest that there are deep-rooted cultural norms that lead to a persistent violence and discrimination against women and that it is necessary to create programmes that will promote different cultural norms which will eradicate discrimination and gender violence.
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Radicals also increase economic costs through property damage which reduces the incentives for investment. In these contexts, radicals will also increase the human costs for the regime, while generating a positive externality for moderate groups. By launching armed campaigns, radicals will induce fear or provoke the regime to harshly repress populations (Thomas 2014; Lake 2002). In both cases, people may be more likely to stop supporting the regime and more likely to increase their support for dissidents. However, radicals are not a convenient outlet to deposit such support as they are more likely to further damage the population. Instead, I posit, people will look for moderates as a better option: in the end, they are less willing than the government and radicals to use violence. Indeed, some scholars suggest that when radical actions start, people is more willing to support moderate factions not only politically but also financially (Haines 1984). The effect of this heightened support for moderates, then, ends up increasing the costs of rulers for not giving in. For example, a ruler
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While upsurges in criminal violence can be explained in reference to these different types of competition, they are also caused by tougher and more effective law enforcement. Using the current situation in Mexico as an example, Reuter points out that, “as a result of tougher enforcement there has been considerable turnover in the leadership of the principal drug trafficking groups; many leaders have been incarcerated […] or killed in shoot-outs with the police and military” (Reuter, 2009: 278). As is known from other crime-affected settings, such as from the city of Medellín, a Colombian drug-trafficking stronghold, after the demobilisation of local paramilitary groups in the mid-2000s, “turn-over increases inter-gang conflict. [Further], the dismissal of large numbers of corrupt officials [as in Mexico] creates uncertainty and hence violence as traffickers search for new sources of protection” (ibid.: 278–9). Tougher law enforcement, which not untypically involves employing the military to fight drug trafficking groups and other criminal organisations, is also known to increase the levels of violence as the organisations “gear up” and strengthen their firepower and capability to hit both law enforcers and rivals.
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words, sanctions or blesses this type of ordering – and, in this sense, the law creates private ordering. To put it another way, without law, private ordering will not exist; it will not exist because it will be unnecessary, even redundant. Thus, while an eclectic array of values (as noted above) are responsible for private ordering, the line dividing private ordering and the legal system is one of both opposition (in relation to differences) and apposition (in relation to pedigree). I suggest, however, that opposition to the formal system rather than apposition is an important key to the birth of private ordering. In examining the ordering of an emergency shelter, I have explicated the conditions upon which private ordering emerges and sustains itself (Ranasinghe 2014, 2017). While the law – in this case, rules – is viewed reverentially by both management and employees of the shelter (rules provide consistency and consistency provides – is, in fact – order), the binary logic which constitutes law (that is, between legal and illegal) makes the application of law difficult. The problem with the application of the law, however, is not simply an issue concerning the binary logic of the rules. The other issue is that the shelter is governed by an ethic of care, that is, the provision of myriad services ranging from the essentials of life (e.g., food and shelter) to miscellaneous services (e.g., treatment for drug and alcohol addictions). This ethic of care, however, is polysemic rather than uniform. In other words, different employees conceptualize and administer it in starkly different ways. Thus, and unsurprisingly, these employees apply the rules as they see fit to cohere with their visions of an ethic of care.
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Sexual harassment in the workplace is a very frequent occurrence that courageous young women currently seek advice for and denounce, looking for a solution that does not put them in direct danger of losing their jobs. Companies do not do anything about the prob- lem, despite being aware of it and verbally condemn- ing it. Women end up being penalised for their actions by being moved or dismissed, while those who do the harassing do not lose status or job positions. We must pay special and specifi c attention, with- out glossing over or leaving out anything, to these essential elements for young women to avoid the repetition, now silent and subtle, of discrimina- tion and violence that without a doubt still affect women. At the same time we must give social value to women’s activities and to their knowledge and understanding of nurturing of life, which has been undervalued until now.
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lation the distribution deviates from the dia- gonal in the form of a Lorenz curve. The Gini Coefficient qualitatively describes the area between the diagonal and the Lorenz curve. It has a range of values between 0 (perfect equality) and 100 (total inequality). The data for this indicator were obtained from Deininger and Squire (1996). Data were com- puted for 106 countries and as this was a low figure an additional variable, Income Gap, was also derived [Deininger and Squire, 1996]. Income Gap expresses as a ratio (the top quintile's share of income)/(the bottom quintile's share of income). This was available for 101 countries, but with a high level of over- lap with the countries for which a Gini Coefficient was determined [WKC, 1999, p38].
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We used the semi-structured interview as our research technique. The interviews las- ted from one to one and a half hours, and the women addressed questions related to three main dimensions: perceptions of violence; violence at work and intimate partner violen- ce, and resources to deal with violence. The interviews were in Spanish and were trans- cribed and coded using N-Vivo software. This software allowed us to initially select texts, categorised into “nodes” correspon- ding to the development of the interview script. For our analysis, we chose to work with the following nodes: “opinion about prostitution”, “dreams and expectations”, “beginnings in prostitution”, “comparison of domestic and workplace violence” and “vio- lence suffered during work in prostitution”. Clearly, the nodes that we have worked with most closely do not represent all of the cate- gories that arose from the text of the inter- views. Both the selection of nodes as well as their analysis are the result of a process in which it was necessary to reconstruct the trajectories described in the interviews in or- der to better understand the women’s initia- tion into prostitution, at times returning to the original interviews to better categorise the types of violence.
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Some form of physical punishment of children during childhood development is widespread and accepted globally. For example, 24% of the parents in Briere and Elliott’s research had experienced severe abuse (e.g., broken bones) in their childhood, 45% had experienced common physical punishment (e.g., being pinched), and 94.2% had been hit. Their expressed favorable perceptions of these behaviors were 6%, 17%, and 88%, respectively. Interestingly, Bensley and her colleagues (2004), studying 504 adults from Washington State, found that around 25% of parents did not identify spanking as an abusive behavior. It may be that being abused as children increases the likelihood that violence against one’s own children is legitimated. In a cross-sectional study using a sample of 449 parents, Buntain-Ricklefs and her colleagues found high prevalence and high levels of approval for physical punishment, while at the same time noting a significant correlation between culturally approved physical punishments and abusive behaviors (Burtain-Ricklefs, Kemper, Bell, & Babonis, 1994), which supports the point made above about the cultural differences shaping the form and frequency of the abuse.
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