uring the last couple of years, internationalmigration has attracted a great deal of attention in the development community. The convening of the Global Commission on InternationalMigration followed by a UN High Level Dialogue on InternationalMigrationand Development, scheduled for September 2006, are reflections of this surge in interest. Until quite recently, the World Bank exhibited only peripheral interest in migration, either internally or internationally. This has changed, as witnessed by the release of Global Economic Prospects 2006 and the initiation, by the Development and Economics Research Group in the Bank, of their InternationalMigrationand Development Program. The volume edited by Özden and Schiff collects together the first set of studies conducted under this new research program.
As Monge and Adam Matei (2004) point out, in some Western countries the cost of international calls has fallen tenfold. Deregulation has increased competition. The growth of international transactions in monetary, financial, commercial and intellectual domains could explain a sizeable proportion of this increase. However, the increase in international communications is also due to internationalmigration. Referring to the increase in information flows in the context of immigration, Vertovec states that currently “the matter of degree really counts. The extensiveness, intensity and velocity of networked flows of information and resources may indeed combine to fundamentally alter the way people do things” (2004b:8). International telephone calls, as one of the most significant infrastructures that may facilitate contact, doubled between years 1985-1995 (Guillén 2001). According to recent studies, the environment of migrations – both the region of origin and the destination origin – are affected by an increase in communication by the use of mobile phones, amongst other means (Vertovec 2004b). Horst argues that increased communication in Jamaica “enabled through the presence of house phones and especially the ownership of mobile phones has led Jamaicans to more realistic expectations of the migration experience and opportunities associated with living abroad”(2006:155).
The reality seems to suggest an increasing fl ow of immigrants to the U.S. after NAFTA. In the 1990s, the number of Mexicans residing in the U.S. more than doubled, growing from 4.3 million in 1990 to 9.2 million in 2000 (U.S. Census Bureau). Thus, both the intended consequences of economic liberalization enacted through NAFTA and the unintended consequences of U.S. economic behavior have impacted internationalmigration from Mexico to the U.S. Specifi cally, the rate at which Mexico sent migrants to the U.S. was expected to be, as it was, much greater during the growth period of 1990s than during the economic recession period of the subsequent decade. As identifi ed by Escobar ( 2008 ) , there have been both internal and external factors that have played a major role in the increased number of migrants during the decade of the 1990s. These include: (1) the U.S. legalization of two million Mexicans in 1988, which provided the basis for further migration; (2) the economic conditions in the U.S., with unprecedented levels of U.S. employ- ment growth (almost 2.8 million non-farm jobs from January 1995 to 2000); and (3) the Mexican economic crisis in 1995, followed by rapid levels of economic growth from 1996 to 2000. The combination of all these events generated signifi cant pressures to emigrate (Escobar 2008 , p. 9). Nonetheless, as pointed out by Alba ( 2008 ) , the evidence indicates that almost 15 years after NAFTA, there is still no indication of any downward change in migration trends, other than the one probably associated with the slow-down of the U.S. economy in 2008.
The principles and hypotheses of Ravenstein´s study became the keystone for further research on migration, leading to what is known as the “push-pull “ theory of migration, which has had a great influence on later developments of theoretical models. Although from different ideological and theoretical frameworks, approaches such as The Theory of Modernization and The Dependency Theory converge in their assumptions regarding migration as a result of push and pull factors. The basic contention of the supply-push and demand-pull theory is that the origins of internationalmigration are to be found in the economic backwardness of developing countries, where economic conditions operate as “push” or expulsion forces, fostering legal and illegal migration toward industrialized nations. The “pull” or attraction factors in receiving countries (higher wages, employment, better welfare systems), as well as “push” factors (lower wages, high unemployment and underemployment rates, slow economic growth or economic stagnation and poverty), are considered causal variables that explain how and why internationalmigration flows originate. Although different applications of these assumptions lead to an emphasis on either attraction or expulsion factors, the conventional tenets of this approach assert that the origins, magnitude, and pace of both legal and undocumented migration can be explained as a function of economic performance of receiving and sending nations (Appleyard, 1989:486-499).
The traditional view of the informal economy posited that workers hold informal jobs, receiving low wages and no benefits, because formal jobs are not available to them. Thus, the informal economy is their only way to join the workforce at all and generate income (Castells & Portes 1989:26). This view has been criticized. The empirical record shows that, at least among most micro-entrepreneurs in Latin America, informality appears to be a voluntary choice, not inferior to salaried formal employment. More generally, the benefits of formality are not free. Taxes paid on account of eligibility for a future pension benefit, for example, represent foregone consumption today. Throughout Latin America, a history of fiscal mismanagement has given workers good reasons not to trust their governments to honor their long-term commitments. In his review of research and survey data collected throughout Latin America, Maloney (2004) shows that, under multiple circumstances, informal employment can be an acceptable substitute for formal employment. In any event, the question seems to be whether informal jobs match the benefits of formal jobs. We doubt anyone will suggest that it is formal jobs that are a substitute for the benefits of the informal economy. We contend that, in the search for the best substitute, internationalmigration is a plausible contender.
For Corona (2007), it is also important to pursue the well-being of migrants and their families, in which any action that is taken must seek to strictly observe their human rights. It is also necessary to address the complete migrant body, but taking into account the particularities of each migratory modality; that is, both internationaland internal migrants, and include both Mexicans and whichever other nationality, particularly Central Americans and U.S. nationals of Mexican origin. This progressive attitude of bi-national collaboration in the management of Mexico-United States migration began to take shape early in 2001, under Presidents Fox and Bush, when both governments recognized the need to create a legal process, safe and orderly, to handle migratory flows. To that end, Mexico and the United States agreed to hold tentative conversations to reach an agreement in principle for shared responsibility, which implied making compromises and mutual obligations.
There are different approaches to theoretical controversies about the formation and development of internationalmigration law, which we think are controversial and controversial. First, it is based on the subjective and objective theoretical views of various scholars on the field, and secondly, it is directly related to the socio-political processes in society. In our opinion, it is desirable to study various theories on the emergence of internationalmigration law in the international legal system, using common and proprietary methods of studying the subject “InternationalMigration Law”. The general method is based on nature, reasoning, and society’s regularities, but on a personal basis (systematic, comparative, historical, sociological, logical). In a systematic manner, the free movement of individuals, the right to move from one area to another, and the right to seek asylum and refugee status are studied as a single subject as a set of rights as migrant workers.
Nevertheless, in some developing countries there are reliable informa- tion about migration or it is possible to estimate it indirectly. This is the case of Mexico. The most reliable recent estimation of the Mexican po- pulation (SOMEDE, 2011) is used to apply the method proposed in this paper. In such estimation, the Mexican internationalmigration comes from both the Mexican and the U.S. census from 1970 to 2010, the Mexican demographic surveys of households and the American Community Survey (ACS) for several years. The immigration flows come from Mexican data sources and the emigration flows come from U.S. data sources (the emigra- tion flow to other countries different than U.S. comes from Mexican data sources, but it is relatively small). Four kinds of migration flows are ac- counted: The Mexicans who go for living to U.S., those no-born in Mexico who go from Mexico to U.S., those (Mexicans and non-Mexicans) who go to live to other country different than U.S. and the immigrants to Mexico (included the return flows) (SOMEDE, 2011: 85).
Migratory flows, especially the direction of these flows, are also associated with the existence of networks of family and friends in the destination country. The presence of these networks not only helps po- tential migrants obtain information about the economic and labor situa- tion in the receiving country, but also function as an important support system upon their arrival and as they are settle in. The second wave of European immigrants arriving in Argentina after World War II seems to have been influenced not only by economic factors but also by the ex- istence of networks of compatriots resulting from earlier migratory flows. These processes generate certain persistence even after the fa- vorable economic conditions that attracted the first waves of immi- grants have changed.
Sánchez, B y Urueña, R “Colombian Development-Induced Displacement – Considering the Impact of International Law on Domestic Policy”, Groningen Journal of International Law, MigrationandInternational Law, volume 5, issue 1, 2017. https://grojil.files.wordpress.com/2017/09/grojil_vol5- ed1_sanchez_uruena.pdf
In this model, if internationalmigration occurs at all, it will lead to emptying one country. Although this is an unlikely outcome, in this case such movements could lead political leaders –and even some economists- of the country whose consumers are leaving to put barriers to the exit (rather than barriers to entry) in order to avoid the massive departures of its citizens. To understand why, assume that A has a higher autarky welfare than B, and that all consumers in B want to migrate to A. If consumers in B go to A, all consumers in B will have higher welfare than before (the gross national income will be higher in both countries A and B). But the citizens located in B (none), will have cero welfare (the gross domestic product in B will be cero and lower than in autarky). Think of a dramatic but not complete migratory movement. Then, the citizens that for whatever reason remain in country B will be worse off than in autarky (again, B will have a lower gross domestic product).
ahalmena sendotzea. Nazioarteko esparruari dagokionez, Insti- tutua eta bertako ikertaldea honako sare hauetan ari dira parte hartzen: IMISCOE (InternationalMigration, Integration and So- cial Cohesion), NOHA (Network On Humanitarian Action), EMA (European Master´s Programme in Human Rights and Democ- ratisation) eta AHRI (Association of Human Rights Institutes). NOHA sarearen kasuan, Deustuko taldeak EUPRHA (European Universities on Professionalisation of Humanitarian Action) euro- par proiektua lideratzen du.
The current model of world accumulation and its power system can- not be dismantled nor shifted without the development of an autono- mous and independent social power. There is currently no collective agent that can confront the power of big business (that is, the major multinational corporations, imperialist governments and their armies, international financial organizations, and the associated actors that pro- vide them with ideological, diplomatic, and political support). There have been, however, major local, domestic, andinternational efforts to organize social groups and movements that have defended their rights from the neoliberal onslaught and proposed some alternative ideas and projects. Strategies for real human development will result from social construction processes carried out by organized groups, civil society, and progressive academia on the local, national and, above all, interna- tional level. The project for a counter-hegemonic social power cannot be postponed; it requires free, autonomous, and independent civil- ian organization. This project has already seen important advances, as evidenced by initiatives such as the International Peasant Movement Vía Campesina, the World Social Forum, the People’s Global Action on Migration, Development and Human Rights, and the World Social Forum on Migrations, among others.
This research studies the process of transition to adulthood of young Mexicans with migratory experience in the United State and the effect that this displacement had on five transitional events using event history models of continuous time - history history analysis-, using for its elaboration as primary source of information the National Survey of the Youth of the year 2010. The interre- lationship between the different transitional events is also analyzed, comparing the study group with the young without internationalmigration experience in different contexts. The results show that migration experience has an effect on the timing and intensity of the various transitions into adulthood. Migration adds complexity and alter the course of life of young Mexican, limiting the well-being and sustainable development of their future life project.
At the beginning of the 1980s, tequila producers from Jalisco entered the MR for a short period of time (two years), performing the extraction and purchase of maguey mezcalero at better prices in relation to those established by the mezcal producers. In the year 2000 the purchase intensified; Antonio and Smit (2012) and Antonio et al., (2015) mention that this process generated the restructuring of agriculture through the expansion and increase of maguey cultivation sustained in the remittances from internationalmigration, under an economic rationality at the expense of environmental conservation, using inadequate production techniques and directed at tequila elaboration, but at the time of ending the development cycle and reaching maturity (eight years in average) it became a problem of overproduction due to the lack of demand from the tequila and mezcal producers, and the lack of knowledge of peasants over other uses, products and byproducts, which originated the abandonment and carelessness of sowing, particularly those with a high degree of maturation, also interrupting the performance of traditional agricultural practices such as resowing, among others. This brought with it the suppression of environmental services that the maguey offers, like its contribution to the retention of particles, nutrients and moisture in the soil through its root system, which is characterized by being constituted by small and strong filaments, and anchoring superficially to the ground (Nobel, 1998; Martínez et al., 2005), thus avoiding the soil degradation, in addition to the lack of rotation, association and being interspersed with basic crops such as maize, bean, squash that make it impossible to obtain food security in the communities of study.
Between 1970 and 2012 the number of international migrants worldwide more than doubled, from 84 million to 232 million. In 1970, about one out of every 29 people lived in a country where international migrants composed a tenth or more of the total population. Four decades later, the ratio was nearly one in nine (Terrazas 2011: 1). Much of this growth took the form of mass migration from poor countries in the global south, on the periphery of the world capitalist system, to the wealthier countries in the global north. While in earlier periods of capitalist develop- ment people also migrated for economic reasons, motivated by a desire for a better life and a search for more opportunity, the larg- est flow of migrant labour was from the European centre of world capitalism to European “white” settlements in the North American outposts of the British Empire. But in the current conjuncture of capitalist development (the neoliberal era), most migration is in a south-north/south-south direction. Within the migrant-receiving countries in the north, these migrants generally settle in the larger cities, urban gateways to an apparently modern style of life and hoped-for economic opportunity.
It is an important oversight, one that has broad consequences not only for the women who migrate, but also for families and communities left behind. Their remittances constitute a significant contribution to poverty reduction and develop- ment. Despite this, women face disproportionate obstacles and risks simply because they are female. These include discrimination—both at source and destination— abuse and exploitation, which testify to the neglect of their rights (see Chapter 3). Nevertheless, migration has proven to be a positive experience for millions of women and their families worldwide. Moving to a new country exposes women to new ideas and social norms that can promote their rights and enable them to par- ticipate more fully in society. It can also have a positive influence on gender norms in the country of origin. In all cases, policymakers need to focus attention on how discrimination influences the course of internationalmigration at the individual,
Since the late 1970s, the USA has promoted the implementation of neoliberal structural adjustment policies in Latin America, which have been carried out by several interna- tional organizations in tandem with the Latin American elites and national governments. In accordance with new models of regional integration, these policies focused on exports. The export-led Mexican economic model and the particular mode of regional inte- gration determined by the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) are the result of strategic policies implemented by agents of large transnational corporations and the US government under the umbrella of the international organizations at their service: the World Bank and the IMF. In fact – and as has been amply documented – NAFTA itself was created and implemented by a sector of the US political class allied to the large transnational corporations and their counterparts in Canada and Mexico (Cypher, 1993; Faux, 2006). In the case of the latter, the government and a sector of the Mexican busi- ness elite led by the Consejo Coordinador Empresarial (Entrepreneurial Council), which is linked to the Comisión de Organismos Empresariales de Comercio Exterior (Commission of Entrepreneurial External Commerce Organizations), participated actively in this process (Cypher and Delgado Wise, 2007; Puga, 2004).
OBJECTIF 2. Les zones humides d’importance internationale. Développer et maintenir un réseau international de zones humides importantes pour la conservation de la diversité biologique mondiale, y compris pour les voies de migration des oiseaux d’eau et les populations de poissons ainsi que pour la survie de l’humanité en veillant à ce que toutes les Parties contractantes appliquent dûment le Cadre stratégique et lignes directrices pour orienter l’évolution de la Liste des zones humides d’importance internationale et par une gestion appropriée et une utilisation rationnelle des zones humides d’importance internationale qui ne sont pas encore officiellement inscrites sur la Liste de Ramsar mais qui ont été jugées aptes à y figurer à l’issue de l’application, au niveau national, du Cadre stratégique ou de son équivalent. Application des Articles 2.1, 2.2, 2.5, 2.6, 3.1, 3.2, 4.1 et 4.2 de la Convention. RÉSULTAT RECHERCHÉ :