Since the late 1980s, but particularly after the 1994 indigenous rebellion in Chiapas, the human rights situation in Mexico has attracted the attention of different types of international actors. This interest or preoccupation of NonGovernmentalOrganizations (NGOs), inter-governmental bodies and mechanisms, and foreign governments has resulted in (mild, moderate or critical) public statements of concern, requests for information, visits to the country, reports, hearings, cases and resolutions. Concomitantly, a vivid discussion about human rights has unfolded between the Mexican government and its interlocutors and critics from abroad. Recently, during the firs year of the presidency of Felipe Calderón (2006-2012) such concern and discussions have focused around the tensions between security and human rights. 1 The main objective of this paper is to assess the relevance of this process of political and communicative interaction between the Calderón government and varied interlocutors from abroad. How strong are the signs of concern shown by international actors? What are the characteristics of the discussion or the debate implied? What do we make of all this? Does it matter? Are the manifestations of concern and the related discussions of any relevance to the definition of the government’s approach to human rights within its security agenda? The answers to these questions will be traced focusing on two specific “situations” —the human rights violations perpetrated by federal and state police forces while tackling a radical social movement in the state of Oaxaca in 2006, and Calderón’s militarized strategy to face drug-traffickers. From a methodological perspective, these situations are relevant because they are the instances of tension between security and human rights that have attracted most international attention during the period under study. The logic behind the selection of these “cases” is that if they have not generated an intense and meaningful processes of international attention and debate, then it follows to infer that that will also be the case for other situations (related to security and human rights) that have attracted less or no international attention during the first eighteen months of Calderón’s term. 2
Over a six-month period in 1988-1989, 18 meetings across Canada were arranged with combinations of federal and provincial agencies in all the 12 capitals and other cities. A professionally-designed audiovisual presentation summarizing the proposed Policy was prepared in English and French for these meetings. It included a standardized Question and Answer package. In most cases, two federal Consultation Team members attended each meeting, one to lead presentations, the second to record comments and questions. A few meetings were attended by only one team member, particularly for the most expensive travel destinations in northern territorial locations. Consultation meetings, written correspondence and telephone interviews were conducted with representatives of 36 non-governmentalorganizations and 20 resource user/ industry associations. Presentations were made to federal meetings such as the Annual Conference of the Treasury Board Real Property Bureau and Federal Interdepartmental Committee on Water. In each meeting, printed bilingual consultation materials were distributed to all participants. The Consultation Team traveled by air extensively to make these presentations at the above scheduled meetings. Local arrangements were complex, requiring assistance in establishing sites, facilities and invitations to key personnel from many agencies.
The exact bundle of activities cooperatives pursue varies depending on their context. Comparison of cooperative activities between developed and developing host nations shows differ- ences in some collective action choices, such as by-catch avoid- ance and direct enforcement of ﬁshery regulations (Table 3). The fact that by-catch avoidance is relatively common in OECD countries makes intuitive sense. Fishers in these nations tend to focus on a single or few species and may face by-catch restrictions or pressure from conservation NGOs, resulting in greater incen- tives to avoid by-catch. Conversely, many developing nation cooperatives target multiple species, reducing the number of non-target or ‘‘undesirable’’ species that might otherwise be considered bycatch. Even for species considered locally as by-catch, the non-OECD group is likely to have fewer regulations and watchdogs concerned with this issue, providing less reason to Table 4
In order to have a better understanding of the analysis proposed in this piece of research, there are several factors more or less related to the Conference itself that should be taken into account. In this respect, it is important to take into consideration that this Conference was held in China, a country with a censorial government justifying, even nowadays, the non- implementation of human rights as a necessary measure to preserve social stability. Likewise, we cannot forget the historical moment at which the Conference took place, 1995, only six years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, which brought about the German reunification, as well as a radical change in European policies. In the same year we also witnessed a new enlargement of the European Union, with the access of Austria, Finland and Sweden.
Within the period of the CCS 2008–2013, WHO did not harmonize its procedures in terms of procurement and financial management with those of the country. This is likely to remain the case for the foreseeable future. It was also noted that there were areas where WHO support was required but was insufficient. Stakeholders reported that more WHO technical support was required than was provided in the areas of multi-sectorial engagement in addressing NCDs including mental health; strengthening laboratory services; and ensuring uninterrupted supply of quality affordable medical products. Further, it was observed that WHO focused on public health programmes and did not provide adequate support for strengthening the delivery of clinical services. It was also felt that WHO should interact with and provide more direct support to NGOs and the private sector.
In line with the previously mentioned, it is worrying for NGOs to have it confirmed that undergraduates from four macro-regions that receive large amounts of international aid –a large part of which is channelled through these organisations-, consider that the work undertaken by them has little positive effect on the places where it is implemented, that the people it is meant to help receive little benefit from it and that it is unsustainable. Despite the positive opinion undergraduates have of NGOs, in the main they feel they could be much more efficient. The undertaking of unsustainable projects that are of little benefit to those they are designed to help, may be perceived as a waste of resources, which could be used to better effect on projects that have a positive effect on the population. To some degree, the lack of efficiency attributed to NGOs could be caused by the fact that from the outside these organisations appear to have more resources available to them than they do in fact possess, and as Valladares and Neira (2003) point out, the use the NGOs put these resources to does not coincide with the population’s perceptions of what their final destination should be. In these circumstances, keeping the population better informed about the true level of resources available, together with a much more active role played by the community in evaluating the priorities for their use-in which sections of the population not directly affected by the problem could participate- would go a long way to improving the people’s perceptions of how efficiently these organisations use the resources available to them. However, this hypothesis could be called into question when it is observed that for the points mentioned, no differences in opinion exist between those interviewed undergraduates that work or collaborate with NGOs and those that
There is a need for organizations Iike OECD and UNESCO to concern themselves with career guidance and counseling because of the need to develop these services in many countries, but also to question the management of the services in others. A number of countries around the world are "reorganizing" their guidance services in ways that appear to reflect administrative and political philosophies more than the needs of students and citizens for guidance and counseling. Following are examples of administrative changes being made to guidance services in six countries.
T he Biomedical Engineering and Telemedicine Group of the Technical University of Madrid (GBT-UPM in Spanish) and the non-governmental organization Engineering Without Frontiers (ISF in Spanish) are leading the "Hispano-American Health Link" program (EHAS in Spanish), to develop low-cost telecommunication systems and information services specially designed for rural primary healthcare personnel from isolated areas in developing countries. The EHAS program has five lines of action: 1) research on the communication and information needs of rural health personnel in developing countries, 2) R&D on voice and data communication systems designed according to conditions of rural areas, 3) R&D on information services systems suited to the needs of health personnel, 4) deployment of those services and systems through pilot projects, and 5) evaluation of the impact of these telemed- icine systems on health services. This article examines the results of each line of work, with empha- sis on the pilot scheme deployed in 39 rural sites of the Alto Amazonas province, in the center of the Peruvian Amazon region.
Interviews with members of six Union Cooperatives suggested an important difference from this prevailing description, however. Interviewees explained that (at the time of the interviews in 2010) Union Cooperatives, like Doctors’ Cooperatives, often hire non-member doctors (Interviews 2,3,4, 2010). This “degeneration” reportedly occurs when the founding group of doctor-members can no longer manage the workload, but chooses not to recruit additional doctors as regular cooperative members (Interview 7). It is thus possible that the degeneration occurred later in the Union Cooperatives than in the Doctors’ Cooperatives, and governance differences may still have existed at the time our data was collected. Many Union Cooperatives were new in 1983, and possibly had not yet reached capacity, whereas Doctors’ Cooperatives were more likely to be pre-existing practices transformed after the 1981 law.
Latin American countries could follow suite by developing cooperative agreements between interna- tional (WHO), regional (PAHO), national (country- speciﬁc) and non-governmental agencies to address health promotion and health policies for people with ID. For example, in Mexico the PAHO could work with the National Council on Mental Health (govern- ment) and advocacy groups (non-government) such as VOZ Pro Salud Mental and Fundación Mexicana para la Rehabilitación del Enfermo Mental to develop ap- proaches to health issues in this population segment. Special Olympics International would also be a particu- larly effective non-governmental avenue to implement health promotion interventions through its Healthy Athletes Program. Launched in Latin America in 2001, the program has provided various health screenings for over 13 000 athletes in that region. The structure of this well-established and organized program could serve as a template to develop broader health promotion programs for people with ID in Mexico.
too contested to allow such control if we are truly seeking to promote accountability. Instead expertise should be determined by communities of peers through rigorous systems of anonymous review. This system has been well established in the natural and social sciences for over a century. NGOs may wish to rapidly communicate a particular opinion to the media in response to events, but if this opinion is based on expertise rather than field experiences or a claim of accountability to the affected parties, then it should be the result of work that includes peer review. NGOs could therefore do well to consider whether their knowledge of research methodology is sufficient, and whether new systems of peer review should be established. In general, it would be beneficial for NGOs to improve their ability for organizational learning (Ebrahim, 2004). A fourth basis for the quality of a voice arises from the content of what is being expressed. When a voice is raised in defence of processes of accountability and democracy it should be responded to as it relates to providing the context for voices to be valued in the ways described above. Expressing commitment to non-violence, and reminding people of internationally-agreed principles of human rights, are aspects of what some call the “moral authority” of an opinion (Van Rooy, 2004). Groups like Human Rights Watch, the International Crisis Group, and the International Commission of Jurists have no mass memberships, and often limited experience of abuses in the field. They often have expert knowledge of national and international human rights law, but much of the voracity of their voice arises from their recourse to principles of fundamental and universal human rights.
carbon by sinks, and and ii) adaptation to climate change, including water regulation at local and regional scales, such as for flood risk reduction mitigation, water supply and storage, and and reducing the impacts of sea level rise and extreme weather events, including extreme rainfall situations; , and to co-operate, within Regional Initiatives or other regional co-operation fora, to develop and disseminate knowledge about the results, and INVITES Contracting Parties and other organizations to make their findings available to the Ramsar Secretariat, the Secretariat of the UNFCCC, and other relevant bodies through existing reporting processes; and REQUESTS the STRP to collate and assess such case studies and other information and make this available to Contracting Parties;
This work begins with an introduction to non-profit entities in which we will differentiate between foundations and associations, speaking later about its legislation focusing on the accounting field. Furthermore, we refer to the adaptation of 1998. After this introduction we will see the differences between both plans breaking down the five parts of the PGC. In the first part of it we will see four major changes in the conceptual framework. Then, we will move on to the rules of recognition and measurement in which we will highlight the nine most important aspects. In the next section, we will see the annual accounts, which are three, instead of five; and finally we will refer to the chart of accounts, ending with accounting definitions and relationships that will see the most significant changes between the two adaptations on the one hand, and the analysis of the most relevant accounts between the two plans on the other hand.
• Presence of a nationalist party in the Cat- alan government (X3): based on the stu- dies by De Winter (1998: 204), it was as- sumed that when the peripheral nationalist parties are in power in a regional govern- ment, they are more likely to challenge the decisions made by the central gover- nment in order to protect their interests. It is important to explain the difference bet- ween the concepts of peripheral nationa- lism (bearer of pro-independence ideolo- gy) and regionalism (demanding that their differences be explicitly recognised within the nation-State). CiU and Esquerra Re- publicana (ERC), as well as PNV and CC, were regarded as true nationalist parties. In this case the data from the Spanish Home Office were coded as ‘1 = periphe- ral nationalist party in power” and ‘0 = non-peripheral nationalist party in power’. Regarding coalition governments such as three-party government in Catalonia, the political trend of the majority partner (that is, the PSOE from 2003 to 2010) was taken into account.
Opponents of corporations are not always labelled subversives in ways that feed so directly into armed repression. However, as Dinah Rajak emphasises, it has become standard to label them “unethical”. As more and more NGOs, lobby groups and even unions have been drawn into a burgeoning corporate-civil society network, campaigns against corporate abuses are routinely dismissed as uncivil, opportunistic, and as more interested in “throwing stones” than “making progress” (Rajak 2011, pp. 40, 57-58). Colonialism takes the form of a language of cosmopolitan common interest: human rights are not only good for humans but also good for corporations who are, by serendipity, perfectly-placed to transcend the irrationality and corruption of “local contexts”. This is the task of what Chandler described as “the community of interest between responsible governments, good companies and NGOs” (Chandler 2007, p. 5). After all, at least the corporate-NGO nexus is “doing something”, whatever companies’ previous “mistakes”. As David Rice, BP’s Policy Director, put it, “we’ve learnt from our mistakes, not least because we’ve been challenged by NGOs” (Rice 2002, p. 135).
International NGOs wetlands network is reinforced with new MAVA project and its coastal wetlands campaign; Local and national NGOs wetlands network is reinforced and is promoting the WWD activities; Synergies are developed with the Mediterranean Wetlands Alliance, and other Mediterranean Networks.