alphabetic,” 1 but it has deviations: after all, there are only 26 letters in the English alphabet for the more than 40 sounds of the language (4). We could think that this is a flaw of the English writing system, but in fact “English orthography is not a failed phonetic transcription system. Instead, it is a more complex system that preserves bits of history, facilitates understanding, and also translates into sound” (Venezky, 4): the “complications” or deviations of the English spelling-sound system are the result of the different invasions Great Britain has suffered throughout history by different people who left the footprints of their own language as they passed by the country. However, one thing is for sure: it is necessary to have a good knowledge of the language to be able to understand ─and sometimes even predict─ the rules of this complex writing- sound system: “any time we engage with print, we are confronted with an orthography that demands some special knowledge to be rendered into sound” (Venezky, xi). This difference in orthographic depth between the English and Spanish writing systems may be an obstacle for Spanish nativespeakers with English as their second language if they want to develop a native-like grapho-phonemic competence. Enrique Cámara, based on Chomsky’s and Halle’s theory, says that a writing system may be optimal for nativespeakers learning to read and at the same time utterly diabolical for L2 students of that language learning to speak. And this seems to be the case in English. (Cámara, 14).
Taking as a point of departure the compoundding parameter and its process of acquisition (Snyder 1995), the present study examines both differences and similarities in the use of English N-N compounds produced by a group of English nativespeakers and a second group of monolingual Spanish speakers learning English as their L2. The study also analyses whether the differences among the two groups of speakers, if any, could be attributed to crosslinguistic transfer from their L1 in the case of Spanish nativespeakers. This possible transfer will appear in the form of compound reversals (as shown in Nicoladis 2002) and it will be further related to other constructions with a similar word order, such as the Saxon genitive and the placement of adjective and noun within the noun phrase, since word order is the most likely and clear evidence of L1 transfer when dealing with Spanish learners of English (Nicoladis 1999).
According to both error-based and activation-based approaches to adaptation, the main factor driving adaptation is frequency. When a sentence is continued in an unexpected, infrequent way, the adjustment of activation of long-term representations will be greater. These approaches predict that, in general, adaptation to an infrequent, non-preferred structure is larger than to its more frequent alternate. Under this approach, one would expect L2 speakers to show larger adaptation effects to infrequent structures than nativespeakers. This is based on the assumption that L2 and nativespeakers have different experiences with the alternate structures. First, the relative frequencies with which the alternates are encountered in the L2 learning environment may be different from those experienced by nativespeakers. It is known that L2 speakers avoid difficult constructions in their own production (Kleinmann, 1978a, 1978b), and have alternates which do not occur in the target variety of the L2, e.g. preposition drop as an alternate to preposition stranding in wh-questions (Bardovi-Harlig, 1987; Conroy & Antón-Méndez, 2015; Klein, 1995, 2003). The relative frequency of a less frequent construction compared with a more common alternate may therefore be lower in the language experience of a non-immersed L2 speaker than in that of a native speaker. Second, also the absolute frequency with which the alternates are encountered is different between L2 and nativespeakers. L2 learners will have had less life-time exposure to L2 structures and their alternates. The effects of frequency on
tutor. Such writers need care and nurturing, which is not to feed the ego of the tutor, or to build unnecessary pieties into the pedagogy. However, it suggests that tutor interven- tions need staging and that structures need to be made entirely clear to the students. This is particularly true of assessment. Assessment is still the subject of much debate amongst teachers of creative writing in higher education in the UK, who work, in the main, with nativespeakers. It is more so when the assessment structures of a British university does not mesh with the assessment structures of a European student. An example of this is the student who was reduced to tears of rage because the marking bell-curve of the university restricted her mark to 76, the highest in the class, when she expected scores in the nineties from her German university! In part, the substructure of assessment and the process that leads up to assessment, is one of the concerns to this article.
So, taking this overall analysis into account, it can be concluded that the results of this dissertation seem to follow the line of the studies carried out by Bardovi-Harlig (1987) and Sadighi, Parhizgar and Saadat’s (2004) in favor of the salience of the marked structure, i.e. of PS. This means that if the general results (i.e. regardless the role of proficiency that will be discussed later) are considered the hypothesis #1, which predicted higher percentages of PPiP due to the influence of the L1, has been clearly rejected, being the PS process Spanish speakers accepted and produced the most.
In this paper we have shown that the computation of a metric permits to assign a score to non-nativespeakers that correlates with the marks assigned by human evaluators. Nevertheless, scoring non-nativespeakers is only one of the tasks that concerns CAPT techniques. A straight forward extension of our results is the detection of errors which be identified by prominent values of the scores over phonemes. It is current work of our research team the implementation of a diagnosis module that permits to specify the speaker the type of error and consequently advise him or her. A last phase of feedback comprehends the design issues related on how to present results for the speakers to improve their pronunciation.
coordinating with various classroom teachers. If an assistant works with 5 or more teachers, each of whom has a different timetable, meeting with them on a regular basis is extremely difficult. Complicating this matter is the fact that some teachers find integrating assistants into classes time consuming (Gerena & Ramírez Vergudo, 2014) and the finding that teachers themselves indicate that they have little time for meetings (Fernández & Halbach, 2010). Yet, the nativespeakers would have liked an idea of the overall curriculum plan and the week-to-week work to be covered so that they could prepare for their classes. While it was not mentioned in the portfolio comments, some of these assistants may have expected from the start to participate in the planning of lessons, as was the case among the participants in Buckingham (2018). Another common issue (8 comments) was that teachers and/or schools did not inform the native English speakers in advance of class cancellations or modifications to timetables. The following are representative comments of this category:
It has been argued that only nativespeakers should teach English because they have the best pronunciation. According Amin (1997), in Japan, Japanese English teachers often have very little experience speaking English so their pronunciation can sometimes be quite poor. Assistant language teachers from English speaking countries have easily found work in Japan due to the boards of education trying to improve the pronunciation of their students via speaking practice with nativespeakers in Japanese public schools. However, it is important to mention the variety in supply of assistant language teachers. For example a teacher from Jamaica could be replaced after a year by another teacher from Australia. This might cause a few problems due to the fact that two native English speakers may have very different pronunciation and accent due to geographical and cultural factors. Consistency is important when teaching a language, so there must be a level of precaution on the part of the school administrators when attempting to apply this approach.
One key element in this process of sociolinguistic change has to do with the ways in which nativespeakers of Castilian adopt the use of the Catalan language in everyday life. To examine this issue, we have developed the concept of “muda”, which we define and characterize below as a change of linguistic repertoire in one’s life trajectory. Our exploration of linguistic “mudes” basically shows that Catalan language users have become so diverse that the language can no longer operate as a practical index of specific group belonging in everyday life. In this context , people must increasingly rely on the behavior made available by specific actors in specific contexts to make decisions in ways that rarely allow for ethnic classifications to be reliably established . As a result, language choice is moving from a collective to a personal paradigm: it gets connected with specific personal life trajectories rather than ethnic affiliations. However, our argument must make allowance for ambivalences: ethnolinguistic categories still linger in people’s minds and are used to structure and interpret behavior in various ways. They appear in narratives as actors seek to create a sense of what constitutes consistent linguistic behavior and particularly in occasions when events appear incongruent with the traditional expectations. They also linger, as Frekko (2011) observes, in the ways in which speakers “contain responsibility” in code-switches into Castilian. In a situation like this, where the old and the new coexist, we argue that de-ethnicization is gaining ground by showing that the old patterns of language choice based on ethnic ascription are only followed by a minority.
The second issue that we try to raise is concerned with which option is preferable, a native or non-native language teacher, which is a frequent matter in the books and theories of foreign language teaching. Furthermore, as the sample case involved teachers who were nativespeakers, this provided a great chance of seeing the subject from different perspectives (Karaman, Ökten and V. Tochon, 2012; Pavón, 2003). Thus, the opinions generated on the native language teachers were quite divergent views, with some feeling that native Arabic language teachers need to be more organised and committed to the curricular program.
Finally, I would like to address a question that the current study opens: how would conceptual and articulatory influences would work if participants were less proficient in one of the target languages? An obvious prediction would be that the language in which repeat and switch trials were uttered would matter. Some of the problems related to second language production involve deviant speech rate compared to the native’s (or their L1) or difficulties in word pronunciation or syntax. Also, non-nativespeakers might feel embarrassed of their pronunciations (see Costa et al., 2008). As a consequence, I adventure that in overall terms those mentions involving the less proficient language would be longer in duration than those uttered in the dominant language. It is also plausible that the “fear” of making mistakes lead non-proficient bilinguals to speak lower in volume. What is hard to predict, however, is whether this unbalance between the first and second language of a non-proficient bilingual would affect attenuation of information and the weight that conceptual and articulatory modulations might have. A number of possibilities arise. First, as results in this study showed that conceptual influences seem to dominate attenuation, second language speech problems could be observed at overall (as speaking slower in general) but not specifically for attenuation. This is, for instance, first and second mentions could be longer in their second than in their first language, but the size of their attenuations or more accurately, their percentage of reduction, does not have to be different.
differences affecting only a single syllable) can be perceived very differently . Under these conditions, it is risky to follow approximations for evaluating prosody consisting on comput- ing the distances between the prosodic contours of non-nativespeakers with respect to the contours of reference speakers or golden speakers . Two prosodic contours that are differ- ent in shape can be perceived as identical whereas two similar prosodic contours can be perceptually very different. To face up the high variability of prosodic contours we present here an ap- proach that is based in prosodic labels. By labeling the prosodic contours we simplify its representation by means of symbolic information that specifies the relevant aspects in terms of com- munication. In line with other works in pronunciation assess- ment [4, 5, 6], the pitch contours of non-native Spanish speakers as well as those of the reference speakers are analysed follow- ing the Autosegmental-Metrical framework  and in particular the Sp ToBI labeling conventions.
nativespeakers. The problem they confront is to explain what they mean when they do not have the right word in their vocabulary. In fact, when communication breaks down and negotiation of meaning is needed, the type of repairs that take place are mainly lexical, as these are key elements for successful communication. For this reason, a number of studies have focused on lexical items and acquisition of a second (L2) or foreign language (FL) (e.g., Ellis et al., 1994; Loschky, 1994; de la Fuente, 2002). These studies provide contradictory findings: on the one hand, Loschky’s (1994) study found positive effects of negotiation on vocabulary comprehension but not on acquisition. On the other hand, Ellis et al. (1994) and de la Fuente (2002) corroborate the fact that negotiation resulted in better comprehension and acquisition of new lexical items.
Boring polychaetes infesting the shells of aquacultured molluscs affect host fitness and cause serious economic problems for the aquaculture industry. In Chile, knowledge of the native and non-indigenous polychaete fauna associated with mollusc hosts is limited, in spite of the fact that numerous native and non- indigenous mollusc species are actively harvested. We present the first complete list of boring polychaete species present in Chile, with a review of the information regarding each species’ status as a native or non- indigenous species (NIS), together with information on native and introduced ranges, affected host species, likely vectors of introduction and donor areas. We recorded a total of nine boring polychaetes present along the Chilean coast including native and NIS. Within the NIS category we provide the first published report of the Sabellid Terebrasabella heterouncinata in South America. Boring polychaetes utilized both native and introduced host species. The finding of polychaete species which utilized multiple native and NIS hosts, indicates a potential risk for spread between aquaculture facilities and the natural environment. Our analysis suggests that aquaculture activities are probably the primary introduction vector for boring polychaete species to Chile and that this region does not differ in the magnitude of introduced boring polychaetes relative to other regions of the world. We discuss current laws and management regarding polychaete infestations and make recommendations for future management in Chile, which should contemplate a rational compromise between the socio-economic needs of the country and plans to protect and preserve the nation’s biodiversity.
There are several ways in which non-natives can affect native species, but the effects throughout the food web seem to generate several changes on the native fish community structure. For example, non- native fish can compete directly for food resources (Zambrano et al., 2010a), which may result in diet shifts for native species (Ke et al., 2008; Sharma & Borgstrøm, 2008), affecting their fitness (Douglas et al., 1994). Similarly, non-native species can also have indirect effects on native fish populations. For instance, tilapia may cause trophic cascades by increasing nitrogen and phosphorus availability, pro- moting fast-growing algae (Figueredo & Giani, 2005). Also, the foraging behavior of common carp increases turbidity by re-suspending the sediment (Zambrano et al., 2001; Miller & Crowl, 2006). Turbidity reduces the capacity of macrophytes to survive, which may lead to a reduction of the trophic pathways from a multiple resources scenario (benthic, macrophytes, and pelagic) to only the prevalence of the pelagic pathway (Hargeby et al., 1994; Scheffer et al., 2006). In consequence, a good approach to understand the effect of non-native species on a native fish commu- nity is related to the understanding of the trophic structure.
The correlations found among most RES can be explained by the fact that some tree traits simultaneously contribute to different RES. In particular, the potential growth rate of trees may underpin many of the identified links across the effects of NNTs on RES: fast-growing trees can be important carbon sinks and thus contribute to climate regulation, while simultaneously promoting erosion control and soil formation through rapid development of a protective soil cover, enhancing soil organic matter, and contributing to regulation of the water cycle. Yet, trade-offs across RES may also arise when the same trait contributes positively to some services and negatively to others (Potgieter et al., 2017). Thus, some fast-growing trees can also increase fire risk by supplying a high quantity of fuel to the system, and because they invest less resources in protection against disturbances (Herms & Mattson, 1992). Regarding CES, we identified a strong correlation between the two sources of aesthetic information (i.e. catalogues of ornamental plant dealers and tree inventories of urban parks) indicating strong consistency between them. By contrast, the lack of correlation between the two indicators of recreation and ecotourism (i.e. official tourism websites and nature routes) indicates that they capture different aspects of ecotourism attraction: tourism websites may tend to highlight the ‘unusual’ or the ‘spectacular’ to attract visitors (e.g. a plantation of sequoias in northern Spain or conifers along the Garden Route in South Africa), whereas users of nature routes appreciate more ‘pristine’ nature dominated by native species (Vaz et al., 2018). We also found a synergy between aesthetics and pollen allergenicity, suggesting that NNTs with aesthetic value may also exhibit traits that promote pollen allergenicity (e.g. wind pollination, which was found to increase with urbanization; Williams, Hahs & Vesk, 2015). This result converges with others showing high allergenicity in non-native air-borne pollen from ornamental NNTs (Belmonte & Vil`a, 2004; Bosch-Cano et al., 2011). Unfortunately, differences in scale of study used for RES compared with PES, CES and EDS precluded us from exploring other synergies and trade-offs across different categories of ecosystem services.
Learning and teaching a foreign language is not an easy task for both the student and the teacher. From the student’s point of view, sometimes the larger difficulties include the time dedication and location, since learning a language requires of periodical practices and assistance of an expert in a given place. Likewise, from the teacher’s point of view there are also other important characteristics, such as, establishing an appropriate method- ology based on the student’s level, time disposition, whether it is possible or not to have personal classes and more importantly the student’s native language .
In previous studies on the topic, it has been found out that a large number of errors resulting from interference emerge when students try to import the linguistic structures of their native tongue because of a lack of knowledge of the structure and the lexicon of the foreign language. Besides, the lack of knowledge of the culture of the target language might increase the frequency in the occurrence of such errors. To this respect, Malinowski (1938), mentioned in Katan (2004) says “language is essentially rooted in the reality of the culture”, then “it cannot be explained without constant reference to these broader contexts of verbal utterance”. In fact, we may assert that language exists only within a cultural and social context. Therefore, to learn at least some cultural aspects of the target language it is mandatory to improve its use.
Additionally, in the same article it is state that community attitudes toward the language being learned can also have a profound impact on SLA. Where the community has a broadly negative view of the target language and its speakers, or a negative view of its relation to them, learning is typically much more difficult. This finding has been confirmed by research in numerous contexts. A widely-cited example is the difficulty faced by Navajo children in learning English as a second language.