Political System

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Ecuador : el nuevo sistema político en funcionamiento = Ecuador : new political system into operation

Ecuador : el nuevo sistema político en funcionamiento = Ecuador : new political system into operation

The validity of the new Constitution and election of new state authorities should lead to the definitive closure of a long period of political instability in Ecuador. The strong support received by President Correa during his administration and his reelection in the first round could be interpreted as positive signs for achieving those goals. However, three aspects appear to be obstacles to the fully establishment of a new order able to ensure good governance and stability, in a context where progress has been made as to popular representation and participation. First, the permanence of negative aspects of institutional design that were not made part of the constitutional reform. Second, hegemonic leadership by the President which serves as an obstacle to the institutionalization of the process. Third, the notion of the process as a revolution, which encourages polarization and feeds a game of absolute winners and losers.
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Vista de El presidente de la república sujeto de juicio político: reforma constitucional al Sistema Político Mexicano - The president of the republic subject of political judgment, constitutional reform to the Mexican Political System
							| Nuevo Derec

Vista de El presidente de la república sujeto de juicio político: reforma constitucional al Sistema Político Mexicano - The president of the republic subject of political judgment, constitutional reform to the Mexican Political System | Nuevo Derecho

The impeachment is within the heading of preventive defense of the Constitution that sanctions the conduct of public servants in the exercise of their duties incur in acts or omissions that result in prejudice to fundamental public interests and their good dispatch. Which unlike of any other means this is processed before the legislative power, working jointly the Chamber of Deputies and the House of Senators, the first in the form of an instructor and prosecutor and the second will act as a jury. Anyone can present the complaint, but there is a constitutional omission to not contemplate the president of the republic as subject of the process where it is sought that public servants respect the laws and not abuse the power that is granted, then if so a reform should be made Article 108 and other relative provisions of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States where it may be contemplated That the president be judged, if necessary, disqualified, and with this, have greater protection to the Rule of law in Mexico, as well as limit all acts contrary to the law made directly by thepresident of the Republic that doing wrong use of its powers may affect the legal sphere of the individual or governed.
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Nuevos rumbos legislativos al final de la Guerra Fría:
Alemania, República Checa y Rusia 

Novas direções legislativas no final da guerra fria:
Alemanha, República Tcheca e Rússia 

Nouvelles orientations législatives à la fin de la guerre
froide :

Nuevos rumbos legislativos al final de la Guerra Fría: Alemania, República Checa y Rusia Novas direções legislativas no final da guerra fria: Alemanha, República Tcheca e Rússia Nouvelles orientations législatives à la fin de la guerre froide : L’Allemagne, la République tchèque et la Russie

As the Berlin Wall collapsed, the communist system championed by the USSR be- gan its decline, impacting the countries that shared a statist system. Thus, the shift from a planned system to a market economy, even if gradual, exposed the countries to a series of uncertain but necessary changes for its evolution. According to Remington (2013, p.194), “the weakened state that experiences democratization during a time of economic crisis is particularly vulnerable to the capture and corruption by powerful interests seeking particular benefits concentrated at the expense of the public.” In the absence of strong institutions, opening the system to competitive elections leads to issues of fragmented authority and, necessarily, to a parliamentary apparatus with low legislative production. This course leads to a momentary instability in the political system to enable the way to a democratic system.
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Citizens, Politicians and Experts in Political Decision-Making: The Importance of Perceptions of the Qualities of Political Actors

Citizens, Politicians and Experts in Political Decision-Making: The Importance of Perceptions of the Qualities of Political Actors

According to this argument, the lack of support for existing political institutions is the key factor for understanding the support for alternatives, whether participatory or techno- cratic (Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, 2002; Bowler et al., 2003). Based on Easton’s clas- sifi cation (1975), orientations toward political institutions consist of two dimensions: one that is evaluative and based on their outputs (specifi c support) and another that is affec- tive, focused more on inputs (diffuse sup- port). Thus, feelings of dissatisfaction with democracy may be considered as manifesta- tions of a low level of specifi c support, and trust in political institutions as manifestations of the level of diffuse support (Neidermayer and Westle, 1995; Montero et al., 1998; Nor- ris, 1999; Deth et al., 2007). The expected effect is that the lower the support for the political system, the greater the rejection of the representative model and therefore, the greater the support for alternatives. This hy- pothesis is based on the idea that in such cases citizens perceive political authorities as lacking credibility, as based on an evalua- tion of their decisions and actions (Levi and Stoker, 2000: 489) they cannot be trusted to make correct political decisions (Miller, 1984: 840).
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Ciudadana, polticos y expertos en la toma de decisiones polticas: la percepcin de las cualidades de los actores polticos importan

Ciudadana, polticos y expertos en la toma de decisiones polticas: la percepcin de las cualidades de los actores polticos importan

According to this argument, the lack of support for existing political institutions is the key factor for understanding the support for alternatives, whether participatory or techno- cratic (Hibbing and Theiss-Morse, 2002; Bowler et al., 2003). Based on Easton’s clas- sifi cation (1975), orientations toward political institutions consist of two dimensions: one that is evaluative and based on their outputs (specifi c support) and another that is affec- tive, focused more on inputs (diffuse sup- port). Thus, feelings of dissatisfaction with democracy may be considered as manifesta- tions of a low level of specifi c support, and trust in political institutions as manifestations of the level of diffuse support (Neidermayer and Westle, 1995; Montero et al., 1998; Nor- ris, 1999; Deth et al., 2007). The expected effect is that the lower the support for the political system, the greater the rejection of the representative model and therefore, the greater the support for alternatives. This hy- pothesis is based on the idea that in such cases citizens perceive political authorities as lacking credibility, as based on an evalua- tion of their decisions and actions (Levi and Stoker, 2000: 489) they cannot be trusted to make correct political decisions (Miller, 1984: 840).
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El desarrollo del narcotráfico y la corrupción en México

El desarrollo del narcotráfico y la corrupción en México

Besides, another pillar of the post-revolutionary Mexican system was corrup- tion, which became an essential element, not only in building this contempo- rary political system, but also in nourishing loyalties among members of the prI, integrating dissidents, keeping the control on other parties and control- ling criminal groups. criminal groups needed to have a “special licence” to operate across the country. Many of these licences were granted for family, po- litical or financial favours. For example, a criminal could pay for the political campaign of a politician at local, regional and national level; in exchange the trafficker could continue operating without police intervention. The crimi- nals were also in charge of keeping the peace in areas where they operated, otherwise the agreement between politicians and criminal was broken, and traffickers would end up in prison. In that way, the prI and political elites used the fruits of corruption and illegal drug trade as a source of power to nourish political clientelism, and to obtain legitimacy among the population (nieto 2011). criminals were also in charge of funding community parties and creating social infrastructure for leisure activities, roads, local clinics, re- furbishment of local churches and other community facilities in the villages, where their business was based as a way to distribute some of their wealth, thanks to which the villagers gave them their approval, protection, respect and legitimacy. The corruption 2 was embodied in the Mexican post-revolutionary
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Managing the Commons Indigenous Rights Economic Development and Identity

Managing the Commons Indigenous Rights Economic Development and Identity

features, providing abundant evidence of their sustainability. However, as the author points out, “traditional ecological knowledge and the common property systems that sus- tain them do not exist in isolation from the nation-states in which they are situated”. On the contrary, they “are indeed heavily influ- enced by the political frameworks in which they are situated, which can either strength- en or undermine their long term viability, and potential contribution to contemporary resource management initiatives”. The Be- lize case study which Caddy provides is a re- markable piece of evidence for her thesis, as it clearly demonstrates that, where the state law and political system does not provide the possibility of official recognition of common property based land tenure rights, the efforts of Indigenous peoples to maintain the cohe- sion of their traditional natural resource use governance systems (even if well supported by grassroots mobilization, competent ad- vocacy and qualified technical assistance, in- cluding participatory land use mapping and planning) can unpredictably lose momen- tum, strength and viability. If, after years of collective mobilization and struggle, Indig- enous communities see no recognition by the state of their common land rights, an isolated event, such as the death of a traditional lead- er, can lead to hope being suddenly lost with the only alternative being to claim individual
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La traición de la democracia: la sombra de Tiananmen sobre Japón

La traición de la democracia: la sombra de Tiananmen sobre Japón

There are several factors to illustrate why the Tiananmen Incident stimulated a worldwide democratic movement, but at the same time cast a deep shadow over the East Asian politics until today. First of all, needless to say, China's political system basically remains the same as before, and those who were responsible for the incident, directly or indirectly, are still staying power in China. Second, Japan's failure in its political transformation in the region during thishistorical period also deserves serious review and analysis. History provided Japan the rare opportunity to play a role as "global civilian power" 2 during and especially after the Cold War. There were high expectations, mostly outside of East Asia, for Japan to take initiative in promoting human rights and democracy in East Asia, especially after the incident.
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Public Governance. A Blueprint for Political Action and Better Government

Public Governance. A Blueprint for Political Action and Better Government

Governance barely consists of architecture and a system of safeguards only, since it thrives out of a political system. Therefore, collective action is a force to be reckoned with, through the competition of well-defined patterns of organized behavior like those found in political parties, groups of interests, veto-players, gatekeepers and the media. Their main task is to exercise voice in the natural inputs of any political system (for instance, the demands and support of the constituency; the wide array of claims and counterclaims of groups of interests) as well their output (decisions or policies carried out by the incumbent government; the empowerment of minority rights).
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In this paper I explore the effect that people’s racial identification and skin tone have in their attitudes towards the political system in Mexico. Talking about race in Mexico is tricky. First, the majority of Mexicans identify as mestizo, 1 so the common wisdom in Mexican society is that there cannot be discrimination based on someone’s racial appearance as everyone belongs to the same group. If some kind of discrimination exists is based on social class. As I have shown somewhere else discrimination based on social class and racial appearance are too closely intertwined, as an individual’s racial appearance can predict people’s perception of her social class status (2009). Other research has shown that Mexico is socially stratified based on people’s skin tone, with darker-skin people placed at the bottom of the scale (Villarreal, 2010).
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Populism and Independence Movements in Europe: The Catalan–Spanish Case

Populism and Independence Movements in Europe: The Catalan–Spanish Case

Evidently, the populism that is emerging in Europe is related to the economic crisis which arose in the U.S.A. in 2007 and which came to Europe in 2008. There is a generalization around this phenomenon in Europe, clearly led by the most radical right-wing parties, and it is finding fertile ground across all of this territory. Although, one cannot forget that populism is arising ever increasingly on the moderate right, and even on the center left, as a specific type of populism also exists on the left. Covering the ideologies from left wing to right wing in Europe, some cases can be highlighted, like Syriza and its leader Alexis Tsipras in Greece, who won the general election, or the French National Front. Extreme right-wing parties should also be highlighted, like Vlaams in Belgium, or the Freedom Party in Austria. These are examples of totally opposed political parties that have similar objectives and discourses, which guide the masses with a particular ideology different from the rest, bordering on radicalism, though with a totally populist discourse. For this reason, it can be affirmed that populism is a transverse political style. Extreme right-wing political parties grow because they exploit the feelings of insecurity in broad sections of the population, focusing on the problems of immigration, unemployment, insecurity, and corruption.
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International Political Economy

International Political Economy

The course focuses on offering a panoramic and global vision of the “International Political Economy” discipline, focused on two dimensions: descriptive and normative. The descriptive dimension covers the main areas of applied knowledge that make up the field of relations between economics and international relations, such as: international trade throughout history, the global institutional order following the Second World War and the fall of the socialist regimes, the basic structures of the monetary system and debt, as well as the dynamics of population growth and migration.
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International Political Economy

International Political Economy

The course provides a critical perspective in a diachronic framework that encompasses the core areas of the global political economy, namely: the difference between political economy and economic policy, international business, development economics and development at a trans- regional and global scale, the international financial system, globalisation, financial and stock market crises, the fight against poverty and the adverse effects of climate change, the role of international development and cooperation institutions, the balance between different nations and regional blocs in the field of trade, as well as the normative dimension of patents and fees in the new global order.
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6 Lee mas

International Political Economy

International Political Economy

International Political Economy (IPE) is a field of International Relations which highlights the relationship between politics and economics. This sub-discipline deals with the way in which economic and political factors interact at the international level. It can be conceptualized as an academic crossroads or disciplinary intersection of politics and economics which seeks to explore and analyze the mutual interaction between states and markets. The academic concepts or buzzwords of ‘globalization’, ‘hegemony’ and ‘interdependence’ are central to analyses of IPE. International production and trade, international finance and money, international investment and multinational corporations and economic development, poverty the BRICS countries, energy, climate change and the environment constitute the core topics of IPE.
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TítuloGábor Hamza  Wege der entwicklung des privatrechts in europa  Römischrechtliche grundlagen der privatrechtsentwicklung in den deutschsprachigen ländern und ihre ausstrahlung auf mittel  und osteuropa

TítuloGábor Hamza Wege der entwicklung des privatrechts in europa Römischrechtliche grundlagen der privatrechtsentwicklung in den deutschsprachigen ländern und ihre ausstrahlung auf mittel und osteuropa

tionably a great contribution to the reunification of European legal science (‘European’ is used here in a broader cultural and historical sense). It is expressly stated aim is to fol- low up the common historical roots of the private law related parts of the legal orders in Europe. Paradoxically but not incomprehensibly, its title suggests more diversities than similarities: the German word Wege (ways, directions) evokes the idea of several diver- gent departures from a common starting point in the reader’s mind. It is exactly the effect Hamza aspired to. His intention is to reiterate over and over again the old known locus communis of every legal historian, that continental private legal orders are almost indis- cernibly permeated with remnants of the ancient Roman legal system and that the recent- ly desired ius commune (privatum) Europaeum is inconceivable without the conscious undertaking of this historical aspect of our European cultural identity. However, the drafting of this ‘ghost story’ 2 is not a long line of unbroken success. If we are honest,
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Postconstructivist Political Ecologies

Postconstructivist Political Ecologies

En esta ontología política hay un descentramiento de la política moderna que se considera como siendo fomentado por los movimientos y los intelectuales indígenas [r]

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De nación a estar sin nacionalidad: sujetos migratorios en la bioregión amazónica

De nación a estar sin nacionalidad: sujetos migratorios en la bioregión amazónica

They have been created by a political and economic system that began in Western Europe and have been aided by forms of capitalism with its paradoxical tendency to transcend frontiers, cr[r]

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Political Communication and campaigning

Political Communication and campaigning

Students learn the most sophisticated skills and techniques of modern campaign management. The subject focuses on campaign advertising and promotion, communications and strategy, mass media and politics and campaign organization. Nowadays political parties have assumed important responsibilities within the political power and the society. The political parties hold the leadership of political life and are the channel for expression the popular will, through the elections. These commitments demand that the political leaders must know all techniques related with social groups and citizens as well as advanced tools of communication. The skills acquired will help the student to know the intricacies of a campaign to be part of a team of campaign advisers at the political level, but also as a private consultant.
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Political Geography of Europe

Political Geography of Europe

Comparing political geography of Europe to that of China and explaining European predominance in the modern era?. Ethnic diversity vs1[r]

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Measuring the colombian "success" story : Midiendo la historia "de éxito" colombiana

Measuring the colombian "success" story : Midiendo la historia "de éxito" colombiana

a particularly thorny issue is the difficulty in distinguishing between political violence and non-political, criminal behavior because multifaceted forms of violence arise simultaneously. terrorist actions including extrajudicial executions, targeted assassinations, torture, death threats, and forced disappearances are pervasive. they coexist with several other pernicious manifestations of economically motivated crimes including extortion, burglaries, robberies, and theft, which oftentimes involve very high levels of violence. there is agreement that the internal armed conflict has a great impact on general patterns of violence. nonetheless, a significant proportion of violence is unrelated to the armed struggle (Feldmann and Hinojosa, 2009).
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