The numerous studies undertaken in Spain on the consolidation of many forms of citizen participation demonstrate the importance of keeping historic context in mind. The dictatorship and subsequent progress towards democracy have influenced forms of political expression. It should not be forgotten that during the thirty-six years of Franco’s authoritarian regime, social and community life was suppressed by the corporatist system. During the dictatorship labour was organised into vertical syndicates, certain associations came under state control, including sports clubs (regulated by the Delegación Nacional del Deporte, National Sports Delegation) and the only students’ union (Sindicato Español Universitario, SEU), and the press was fiercely constrained (Casado, 2008). Only institutions like the Catholic Church enjoyed some independence, in recognition of its continued support for the totalitarian regime (Gunther & Montero, 2009). While this authoritarian system clearly curbed the spread of associationism and mobilisation, it was unable to stifle it completely. There were various initiatives that attempted to bring down or weaken the regime, or reclaim spaces of freedom. Some of the most notable were the guerrillas (also known as maquis) who did not recognise the legitimacy of the Franco regime and continued the armed struggle, especially in the years after the Second World War; the student protests of Madrid in 1956, which marked the beginning of active student opposition to the regime; and in 1962, the meeting in Munich of the majority of political parties opposed to Franco that began to coordinate their opposition both in Spain and abroad (Fernández Vargas, 1981; Preston, 2002). However, despite these significant cases Spanish historiography coincides in characterising Spanish society in the Franco era and the post-Franco transition period as politically demobilised and dismantled as a result of the iron-fisted dictatorship (Sastre-García, 1997; Rodríguez López, 2015).
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In the next three articles, we focus on experiences in Southern Europe. In «Europeanization and social movement mobilization during the European sovereign debt crisis: The cases of Spain and Greece», Bourne and Chatzo- poulou examine the Europeanisation of social movements in the European Sovereign Debt ( esd ) Crisis context. These authors present the findings of a
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NGOs undertake a wide variety of tasks, not of all of which are captured by the headings ‘advocacy’ and ‘service provision’. Service provision includes relief in emergencies, primary health care, non-formal education, housing and legal services, and provision of micro-credit as well as training to other service providers. Advocacy includes lobbying as well as public mobilization and campaigning around particular issues like debt relief or the Tobin tax or protection of forests. And then there are a range of activities, which can be included under both headings like monitoring compliance with international treaties, particularly in the human rights field, conflict resolution and recon- ciliation, public education and the provision of alternative expert knowledge. Korten suggests that development NGOs follow a typical cycle, moving from concern with immediate relief, to projects concerned with local development, to advocacy relating to the wider institutional and policy context. But others have argued that the cycle may work the other way round as ‘new’ social movements acting primarily as advocates transform themselves into service providers to gain credibility among local populations or as a way of ensuring their survival (see Lewis, 2001). Service provision has become more important in the 1990s as donors have contracted or
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The concept of civil society is one of the most controversial in cultural and political circles in both of the Arab and African Worlds. Yet, it did not receive the appropriate attention of both its advocates and its detractors, who consider it to be the product of an alien civilization. Furthermore, the concept of civil Society was misused for political purposes, as, for example, some North African States reverted to it in order to exclude the formations of political Islam. On the other hand, Arab movements of opposition and political dissent, resort to the same concept to entrench themselves against state oppression and authoritarianism. Thus this study is based on the premise that the existence of a real Civil Society, independent of both State and Family, and based on the concepts of civilization and tolerance, will lead to full integration on all national, regional and continental levels. Key words: civil society / North African Sates / Social Movements
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T his edited volume conceptu- alizes and assesses the impact of transnational advocacy groups on international politics. According to the editors, the pri- mary goal of transnational civil society is to create, strengthen, im- plement, and monitor international norms. The groups that constitute this emerging civil society are of in- creasing interest to students of international relations: whereas other political actors in the international system are motivated by the self-interested pursuit of power or proﬁt, transnational advocacy groups are distinguished by their pursuit of principled beliefs about right and wrong, and attempt to inﬂuence state behavior accord- ingly. This volume brings together the diverse perspec- tives of scholars, activists, and policymakers to show how these groups address key issue areas such as labor, the environment, human rights, and democratization. As is customary, the editors begin by establishing a concep- tual framework within which the empirical chapters can be situated, in this case a typology of transnational collective action. Khagram, Riker, and Sikkink argue that collective action can take the form of international networks, coali- tions and advocacy campaigns, and social movements, dif- ferentiated primarily by mechanism of change employed: information exchange, informal contacts, and coordinated tactics. These techniques form an interesting area of re- search because these groups command none of the material resources associated with political power, and must instead rely on other means: legitimacy, strategic framing, etc. The empirical chapters then explore how speciﬁc transnational
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Glasius and Pleyers’s work on different pro-democracy movements shows that, despite sharing key aspects, the governments of the respective nation-states are a central target of movements. A macro-study conducted in Europe by Kaldor and Selchow concludes that “Europe is invisible” in activists’ eyes. They specifically note that “the question of Europe was almost never raised by our interviewees and only tended to be addressed in answer to direct questions” (Kaldor & Selchow, 2013, p. 19). A detailed analysis by Bourne and Chatzopoulou of recent movements in Greece and Spain also concludes that the “data show that social movement activity can be largely characterised as domestic in orientation. In both Spain and Greece, social movements targeted domestic actors in their protests” (2015, p. 54). In a study by Flesher-Fominaya on Iceland, Tunisia, Egypt, Spain and USA (Occupy), the author also concludes that the different “global wave of protests” movements present national specificities and nationally rooted political demands linked to the lack of a “transnational organisational infrastructure” (2014, p. 183). However, this author also appreciates key transnational elements between given contexts that mark the essence of this “global wave”. Flesher-Fominaya stresses that a specific transnational diffusion process occurs in various contexts, among which “a global circulation of information, resources, ideas, practices, tactics and peoples” has been promoted (2014, p. 184).
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tional political elites were equally responsible for the crisis and its manage- ment. The frequent visits of the Troika to Greece at this time, which coin- cided with negotiations for a second bailout, were the focus of many protest activities. In contrast, crisis-related activism, particularly mobiliza- tion by movements such as 15M, focused much more attention on critiques of the democratic credentials of the political class. Other explanatory hy- potheses for variation among the cases that could influence case selection for future studies could reflect the hypothesis that varying degrees of so- cial movement moblizations may reflect varying degrees of Euroscepticism in the member states or that mobilization outside the state may be more common where domestic opportunity structures are more closed to civil society penetration. And finally, analysis of different kinds of data can be employed to supplement that of newspapers, especially from websites of specific organizations and social media postings. This is particularly impor- tant for examining the significance of the dimensions of ‘horizontal refer- encing’ and ‘identification’ which newspaper articles did not address in much detail. Analysis of this kind of data may also generate new hypothe- ses about the relationship between Europeanization and Transnationalisa- tion, which our data suggests are both prevalent to a significant extent in contentious action, at least during the period we examined.
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A valuable contribution of the public sphere model is the recognition of barriers to participation. Ac- cess barriers in the context of the Internet have readily been addressed through the concept of the “digital divide,” or the gap between those who can access the Internet and those who cannot, both physically and effectively (Miller, p. 98). This consideration is especially important to account for in social media research in Mexico, which has only a 30% Internet penetration rate (Telecom Paper, 2012), and in which the majority of social media users are concentrated in Mexico City (Ricaurte, 2012). While access to social media via mobile phones is increasing, physical Internet access, barring psychological and knowledge barriers to Internet use, is lowest in rural Mexico, where or- ganized criminal groups are most active and the population has the greatest need of resources for citizen security (Farah, 2012). An important point to consider when examining social media’s role in public sphere formation is that social media only works for people who are active and interested. There are no disinterested parties using this technology, especially when the technology is difficult to come by, as in Mexico, where the majority of citizens have limited access to it. So, the spark of conversation is dissent: People are only talking when they have something to say.
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Since the 1930s, economic, social and political processes in most Latin American countries were coordinated through what Marcelo Cavarozzi has called a state-centred matrix ( SCM ). This concept implies a double dependency in state-civil society relations (Cavarozzi, 1993, 1994). Social actors such as industrial workers, state bureaucrats, mem- bers of the middle class, all forming part of the urban-industrial complex, became a factor of social- political importance, but they depended on the state for the realization of their demands and as- pirations. The state, in turn, needed the support of these actors to give it a certain basis of legitimacy. The SCM was obviously the stereotypical confi- guration under populist rule when those sectors associated with the model of import-substituting industrialization were integrated into corporatist structures, and formed the social basis and political force for the state. However, the presence of SCM was not limited to populist rule. Populism was not the only political formula that emerged under the model of desarrollo hacia adentro (inward directed development), although − admittedly − it was the most important one (Stein, 1980). These political solutions to a highly complex economic and social situation shared a common emphasis on an all-en- compassing trend toward state intervention in all spheres of economic, social, political and cultural life. The trend was supported by politicians of widely differing political persuasion. The specific content of policies, however, depended on the composition and orientation of the supporting class alliance (Collier and Collier, 1991; Smith, 1998). The state thus became a 'development state' that not only provided most of the infrastructure that supported the development process, but −in the long term− extended its power and influence to a 11 those areas that had developmental impact. In this manner, in addition to the essential concerns with internal order, the continuity, and the external relations of the societal system, state action came to include an ever-increasing number of interven- tions. At the same time, however, the state had not strengthened its capacity to define policies that went beyond the interests of the many narrow
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Resumen: En este ensayo, el autor plantea el tema de las relaciones entre el Estado y las escuelas de la sociedad civil. En 1993 la Ley Federal de Educación estableció que las escuelas públicas y privadas aportan por igual al bien común de la sociedad. Sin embargo, en los últimos años, esta idea ha dado pie a la creación de un proyecto de re-estatización de la educación privada que Torrendell denuncia puesto que en caso de efectivizarse, cercenaría la participación de la sociedad civil en el ámbito educativo. Frente a esto, debe reconocerse el valioso papel de las escuelas privadas que enriquecen a la sociedad con su pluralismo democrático.
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Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit speaks of a similar situation. This is tragedy. Tragedy is tragedy, not because of a conflict between right and wrong. It is not a melodrama. It is tragedy because it faces what is right with right, violated law with enacted law, opposes a freedom and a will to another. But in such situation the tragic hero and the chorus included in the conflict can only be perplexed. This conflict between absolutes, this polytheism destroys the ethical life of the Greeks, because every hero is identified with one of the ethical powers of society, or what is the same, with one of the substantial interests of freedom. In the case of Antigone, the tragic conflict arises between an institution, which form and offer human beings for the city, namely the family, and the laws enacted, that men give to themselves. So the tragedy marked the beginning of the breakup of the Greek ethos. The ethical totality and its absolute character fragments and shatters into the tragedy.
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Since present levels and types of consumption are not environ- mentally sustainable, consumers need to become more sensitive to environmental issues and to the political implications of their behavior. This paper traces factors affecting green consumerism in several areas: clothing, transportation, food and management of household waste. Green consumerism is a complex phenomenon that is influenced on the collective level by social movements, boycotts, and government legislation and on the individual level by social class, income, education and life style. Most studies which examine the relationship between specific attitudes toward green consumption and behavior reveal discrepancies between attitudes and behavior. The attitude/behavior gap can be explained by the fact that green consumerism is most strongly associated with a specific, middle class life style and is not a widespread phenomenon.
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sobre una estructura digital. Con una destacada alfabetización mediática, la articulación político-social se da a través de una gran variedad de herramien- tas en línea que combinan las funciones de creación de redes, herramientas de trabajo diario y creación y difusión de contenidos propios. En el presente estudio, la experiencia mediática del colectivo Marea Granate se presenta como un repertorio de prácticas mediáticas organizadas en cuatro categorías principales de herramientas y prácticas para el cambio social: 1) networking, 2) organización y trabajo colaborativo, 3) prácticas discursivas, 4) participa- ción en los medios tradicionales. No obstante, estas categorías no tienen que considerarse como categorías cerradas, sino dinámicas, en continuo movi- miento, transformación e interconexión. De hecho, como los propios acti- vistas de Marea Granate reportaron, el movimiento empezó con tecnologías básicas de comunicación que estaban al alcance de todo el mundo, como las redes sociales, en especial Facebook y aplicaciones móviles como Whatsapp. Con el tiempo y las necesidades del colectivo, el repertorio mediático fue desarrollándose y profesionalizándose, a la vez que se ofrecían workshops para la formación, característica que otros autores bautizaron como ‘sobera- nía pedagógica’ (Barbas y Postill, 2017).
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In California, various community-based coalitions have arisen to challenge the federal government’s immigration enforcement policies by organizing and passing legislation allowing undocumented students, not only to go to college, but to receive financial aid. I, and my students, have been part of the Pomona Habla coalition’s efforts in changing the Pomona city council policies that discriminated against undocumented immigrants and were part of a larger movement resulting in the passage of a statewide bill allowing anyone stopped at a checkpoint without a driver’s license to have someone come and pick up their car. This will kill the millions of dollars being made by the tow truck and impoundment companies. The governor, as a result of these movements, also signed a bill that called for “neither California nor any of its cities, counties, or special districts require an employer to use E-Verify as a condition of receiving a government contract, applying for or maintaining a business license, or as a penalty for violating licensing o other similar laws.”
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A modo de ejemplo, se puede mencionar el caso de Colombia. Desde que la profesión de ingeniero civil se estableció de manera reconocida en ese país, a raíz de la apertura de los primeros programas profesionales a finales del siglo XIX, los ingenieros civiles encontraron en el sector público una fuente de actividad natural, ya que constitucionalmente el bienestar ciudadano impo- ne la ejecución de obras para alcanzar dicho bienestar. Acueductos, alcantarillados, vías e infraestructura de transporte, generación eléctrica, obras urbanas y edificaciones, son manejadas por el sector público y ejecutadas con los dineros de los contribuyentes. Esto significa que los ingenieros civiles manejan diferentes recursos públicos, lo cual ocurre en menor proporción en otras especialidades de la ingeniería (Sarría, 1998). Es así entonces como en Colombia y en el resto de Latinoamérica, el papel principal de la ingeniería fue atender las necesidades básicas de una población creciente y posibilitarle el disfrute de una serie de ser- vicios, creando las condiciones de infraestructura que permitieron el desarrollo de las actividades productivas y el crecimiento económico. En particular, resolviendo problemas físicos relacionados con la satisfacción de las demandas de agua, vivienda, comunicaciones, energía, etc., a partir de los recursos naturales reno- vables y no renovables disponibles, mitigando de paso el impacto producido por los ataques de la naturaleza, tales como: terremotos, inundaciones, entre otros (Mariño, 2007).
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unpreparedness to face the challenge of the New Climate Regime. Your work insightfully reveals the assumptions, subterfuges, and actors that contribute to this lack of preparation – to the immobility, or panic, that prevents us from building a new and timely relation to the world. One of your main concerns in that regard is how to set in motion different response- abilities – that is, how to “occupy the earth” and mobilize collective action. This approach is especially interesting because it challenges some of the strategies and premises of mainstream environmentalism, a widely studied social movement. You are critical of its modernism, that is, of its tendency to sublimate nature and consecrate science even as it reinforces a division between science and politics that, as you say, leads us to a state of inaction. What would it take, in your opinion, to rethink environmentalism through engagement with Gaia and the territorialization that you advocate?
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But we should not forget Hegel’s starting point: The basis of modern society is for him the awareness of individual freedom -‐ the individuals’ right to dispose of them: for unrestricted movement, for entering into contracts, for working and receiving appropriate remuneration for it, in a word: the right of human individuals to seek happiness according to their own ideas about it. In the eastern despotisms -‐ says this great thinker -‐ only the ruler is free; in ancient Greece or Rome the slaves there are next to the free people; and in the Middle Ages people are embarrassed by the circumstances of their birth, social condition in which they were born. But the freedom of the individual is gradually growing, because of the growing awareness of freedom, and a fight for making this awareness present in the social life. It is mainly due to the assumptions of Christianity, which in its very essence is opposed to something such as slavery or attachment to the land. And in Europe at the end of the eighteenth century it reaches a character that requires not so much radical change as subtle correction and improvement. That is why Hegel is not a theorist of revolution, in a clear opposition to Marx, who, although appointed Hegelianism not have much in common with it. Because Hegelianism means liberalism combined with communitarianism: free market and care about the society as a whole.
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contention there never was any attempt to undermine ICE‟s effective and symbolic role as the core of the electricity sector. At the level of social organizations, there were important movements contesting ICE‟s policies, particularly when limitations in the quality of electric services or rate increases threatened to affect consumers. The movements originating outside San Jose in fact came to question ICE‟s centralized control of electric services. In most cases, the movements were countered by the government through appeals to public opinion or administrative measures (like attempting to discredit the movements‟ organizers or disconnecting the electricity of households that that withheld their bill payments in protest), to which the movements often responded through greater innovation in their collective action methods. However, the 1963 Cartago protests, which represented the strongest such movement of this type in the country‟s history, prompted a major episode of State repression (the greatest one occurring in the country during this period) (Alvarenga, 2005, p. 184).
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The trend towards political parties addressing questions concerning women and gender inequality did not emerge until several decades after independence. Before then and immediately afterwards, only leftist political parties devoted any attention to women. The Socialist Lanka Samaja Party (LSSP), formed initially as a protest movement against British colonialism in 1935, was the first party to support a proposal for women’s equality. Its constitution made a commitment to eliminating oppression and inequalities arising from gender differences. The Communist Party (CP), formed in 1943, pledged to improve the conditions of working women, eliminate sexual discrimination, and agitate for equal pay for equal service. In their manifestos for general elections in 1952, 1956, 1960 and 1965, both the CP and the LSSP supported women’s equality, welfare services for mothers and children, and maternity benefits. The United Women’s Front, which was affiliated with the LSSP, fought both to support women workers and to demand the entry of educated middle-class women into the civil service. Women’s roles in most aspects of party life are secondary to those of men. Although most parties do not keep reli- able membership records, studies suggest that women’s membership in political parties averages 20–30 per cent. From 1947–1977 the number of women candidates at general elections was extremely small: under 3 per cent until 1970 and 3.2 per cent thereafter. Since 1977 it has slowly increased, but no party except the SLFP, which nominated 17 women candidates in 1994, has nominated more than 13 women candidates in any one election. Between 1974 and 1994, the LSSP nominated 5.6 per cent women, the United National Party (UNP) 2.7 per cent, the SLFP 2.8 per cent, the CP 3.1 per cent, and the Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) 2.9 per cent (Liyanage 1999:115).
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Why did Hitler's Third Reich have such a corrosive impact on fascist arts policy, hitherto its most attractive feature? And why was Hitler's own arts policy so unsuccessful? These questions need answering, for Hitler was more interested in the arts than was any other twentieth-century dictator. Indeed, next to anti-Semitism, art was his greatest passion and occupied a high proportion of his mental energies. Hitler had been an artist and in many ways thought like one. There are three reasons for this failure. First, Nazi arts policy was negative. In this respect it merely perpetuated a tradition which went back to the sixteenth century but had become predominantly German. Machiavelli had first coined the phrase 'corrupt art' in his Discorso . Bellori had applied it to Michelangelo. Corrupt art was anti-nomial or irregular. Nietzsche used it in this sense. It was joined to the word décadence , or Entartung, much used in France and Germany in the nineteenth century. The Kaiser, Wilhelm II, had denounced Impressionism as Gossenmalerei, the work of guttersnipes and was in the process of imposing art censorship when the 1914 war broke out. The Weimar Republic permitted more liberty of artistic and literary expression than any earlier German regime. But opposition on this point was growing long before its collapse, since Weimar had replaced Paris as the international centre of experimental profligacy. The first move towards censorship came in 1930 when the Minister for Education, Von Thüringen Frick, ordered the removal of seventy paintings from display at the Weimar Museum. His policy was, he said, 'To oppose Negro culture and promote German traditions.' One museum director was removed for patronizing artists like Otto Dix, Emil Nolde and Oscar Kokoschka. The particular target was German Expressionist artists but a declaration by Bettina Feistel-Rohmeder, head of the German Art Society, calling for the removal of certain museum directors for promoting 'cosmopolitan and bolshevik' tendencies was clearly aimed at Jews.
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