Social policy

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Welfare State And Social Policy In Colombia, Why Is Colombia A Laggard In Social Protection?

Welfare State And Social Policy In Colombia, Why Is Colombia A Laggard In Social Protection?

that seeks to run government like a business and is based on three main principles: economy, efficiency and efficacy. These principles express the effort to redesign the public sector to make it more similar to the private sector by not only reducing burdens but also by introducing greater competition. Following this market-oriented logic, governments began to make decisions based on either economic benefits or economic constraints. Third, as we can infer from the last two points, neo-liberal reforms looked for both a retrenchment of the state and the expansion of the private sector. Political institutions moved in a direction that would allow the market to provide most of goods and services such as health care, education, insurance, and so on. Certainly, this shift affected existing social entitlements and established new rules in both the funding and provision of social goods. Gradually, the welfare system was reduced according to the new economic objectives and political arrangements governments had. Fourth, reforms were broadly supported by stressing the principle of self-reliance which meant individuals should be able to provide for their own basic necessities of life and that social policy should be focused only on the poorest not
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GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL POLICY: THE THREAT TO EQUITABLE WELFARE

GLOBALIZATION AND SOCIAL POLICY: THE THREAT TO EQUITABLE WELFARE

It should thus not be taken for granted that the new fashion in international development co-operation for setting achievable development targets is unalloyed global social progress. Indeed, many European social policy ministries would be very worried if some of the logic that inspired these moves in social development policy as concerns the South were to be applied to social policy in the North. The OECD Development Assistance Committee (DAC) report, Shaping the 21st Century: The Contribution of Development Co- operation (1997), set a number of targets for development policy. This led to a joint venture between DAC, bilateral donors and the World Bank to establish indicators of progress toward their achievement (see http://www.oecd.org/ dac/indictors). These targets, which are thought to be realizable by 2015, focus on the poorest of the poor in poor countries. They include halving the number of people in extreme poverty; making basic education available to all girls and boys; and enabling access for all to reproductive health services, with concomitant reductions in maternal and infant mortality rates and gender inequality. Two positive aspects of this approach are, first, the inclusion in the agreed measures of poverty of one indicator of inequality (the poorest fifth’s share of national consumption), which suggests that redistribution policies are not forgotten entirely, and second, the fact that measurable and attainable targets have been specified, and monitoring mechanisms are in place. An important negative aspect remains the limited goal in terms of public provision of universal primary education and universal reproductive healthcare. This leaves ample scope for the privatization of the rest of social provision while international attention is focused on these issues of basic service delivery only.
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Forms of flexibility in the social policy of the European Union

Forms of flexibility in the social policy of the European Union

The objective of solidarity within the European Union has two main dimensions: solidarity between the Member States, which seeks to reduce disparities between these States, and solidarity within the Member States, which seeks to reduce material inequalities between persons or groups of people. Both dimensions are linked through Treaty provisions that define policies with the usual instruments: institutions, competences and procedures. Social policy is highly political and less legal than other Union policies. Directly applicable provisions in the Treaty with a social dimension are few: the free movement of workers and freedom to provide services can have a social dimension; also the provisions on equal pay between men and women; the provision on services of general economic interest also shows an important social dimension; the citizenship provisions, in relation to the principle of non discrimination on grounds of nationality, have had major impacts in the social sphere; finally, it is worth recalling the various instruments of fundamental social rights: the European Social Charter of 1961, the Community Charter of Fundamental Social Rights of Workers of 1989, and the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union, whose Title IV, under the heading “Solidarity”, contains a whole series of social rights. The rest is legislative policy, administrative and executive action, and more informal action within the framework of the open method of coordination (OMC).
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La política social como vacuna social  /  Social Policy as Social Vaccine

La política social como vacuna social / Social Policy as Social Vaccine

Puede que la economía haya sobrevivido la reciente crisis financiera y la recesión económica inmediata, pero la creciente desigualdad e injusticia social seguirán existiendo como un recordatorio permanente de que las economías de mercado no regulado con poca seguridad social están condenadas. Mientras las fuerzas sociales progresistas y las capacidades equilibrantes de los gobiernos sigan marginadas por las fuerzas neoliberales prevalentes, el sombrío estado de cosas presente sólo puede llevar a mayores problemas y a una creciente frustración en quienes buscan alternativas al status quo - alternativas que han dado mejores resultados en los países escandinavos. 7-11 Poco a poco la gente se da cuenta de la raíz de sus problemas socioeconómicos y expresan su frustración con dicho status quo. El reciente movimiento Occupy Wall Street es sólo un ejemplo de estas expresiones y es apenas sintomático de la forma que tomarán dichas expresiones vía nuevos y potentes medios sociales. Hemos también atestiguado la profundidad y la amplitud del resentimiento social prevalente en Grecia y en menor grado en los países europeos del sur.
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The Late Construction of Portugal Welfare State: The Failure of the Social Corporatist State (1933 1974)

The Late Construction of Portugal Welfare State: The Failure of the Social Corporatist State (1933 1974)

Its importance and resilience to the criticism of those who long for the liberal state prior to the war are well reflected in the attacks on the post-war political consensus on the welfare state by a neo-conservative and neo-liberal political mainstream, accusing this model of state of be- ing at the origin of the social and economic crisis in the 1970s. We will seek to analyse the late construction of the welfare state in Portugal un- der this theoretical reference framework, in which the welfare state is inextricably linked to the post-World War II political consensus and to the political and institutional framework brought about by the democrat- ic rules. The reason for it being late is that before the 1974 revolution one of the preconditions for its development in Portugal ―the existence of a democratic regime― did not exist. The Corporatist Estado Novo that was held in Portugal between 1933 and 1974 not only considered that democ- racy was unnecessary for any political, economic or social policy, but also sought to solve the social issue within the framework of corporat- ism 8 . Unlike most democratic European countries, Portugal only satisfied
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Do many roads lead to Rome? Multiple causation in monetary transfers and how to approach it

Do many roads lead to Rome? Multiple causation in monetary transfers and how to approach it

To close this brief elaboration and the whole ar- gument, it ought to be stressed that QCA is not a panacea. It should be understood as a tool available for policy analysts to shed light over certain issues, obscured by the use of other methods. Therefore, as every tool in a toolbox, it is better suited for certain tasks than for others. As such, it can be a quite effective method in those cases for which there is reason to assume that there a dynamic of multiple causality is involved in the generation of a result. Moreover, it is also useful when there is reason to opt for a case-oriented approach; that is, when regarding subjects as cases, made up of a wide array of conditions, is deemed reasonable. Therefore, it should not be regarded as the end- all solution. There may be cases where different assumptions may prove more pertinent and in such situations, a conventional or another approach may be deemed preferable. Moreover, regarding it as a new orthodoxy would mean maintaining the same one-size-fits-all logic. This is the opposite of what QCA, and this article, suggests. QCA is best un- derstood as a complementary method to the insti- tuted ones. In fact, it can be used jointly with many of them, both quantitative and qualitative (Ragin, 2000, 2008). Accordingly, the aim of this paper has been to contribute to the literature tack- ling monetary transfers (and perhaps social policy in general) in terms of their assessment enriching the array of tools that can be used for such pur- poses. This means using the key of rigor to open the door of plurality.
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Assessing policy options for the EU cohesion policy 2014 2020

Assessing policy options for the EU cohesion policy 2014 2020

In the absence of a regional model, the Commission has had to rely on mac- roeconomic and multi-sector models for its assessment of the impact of cohesion policy. The use of the QUEST III endogenous R&D model is set out in Varga and In’t Veld (2011). This is the Commission’s in-house dynamic general equilibrium model linking the economies of the Member States and the rest of the world, but no deeper than at the national level. Economic development may be reflected by the sectoral composition of national output. In order to capture the sectoral shift induced by re- gional policy the Commission has made use of the HERMIN model for a subset of the Member States (Bradley et al., 2003). The analysis is laid out in Gakova, Grigo- nyte and Monfort (2009), also considering possible extensions to a system of models at sub-national level. In essence, after taking into account conceptual difficulties and computational limitations, this has led to the construction of the spatial CGE model at NUTS2 level presented in this paper 2 .
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Policy frames sobre reinserción social de varones privados de libertad en Chile durante el período 2012-2013

Policy frames sobre reinserción social de varones privados de libertad en Chile durante el período 2012-2013

A partir de Morales (2012) es posible identifi- car la presencia de diversos frames presentes en la historia de la pol´ıtica p´ ublica para abordar la criminalidad en Chile. Reconocemos, de esta for- ma, enfoques de car´ acter positivista (Enfoque de tratamiento y rehabilitaci´ on a comienzos del siglo XX), aquellos que centran las causas en el contex- to social (1920–1930), adem´ as del auge de la tesis de la defensa social (1930). Posteriormente, hay un per´ıodo de letargo en la segunda mitad del siglo XX, as´ı como en el per´ıodo de dictadura militar. Este ´ ultimo, es producto del enfoque sobre el lla- mado “enemigo interno” (Morales, 2012), dejando en segundo plano la delincuencia com´ un como te- ma central de la pol´ıtica de seguridad ciudadana. En los 90‘s, en un tr´ ansito hacia la democracia, la tarea se transforma en moderar el poder y alcance de las Fuerzas Armadas, debiendo dialogar y nego- ciar extensamente en temas de Derechos Humanos e incorporando paulatinamente la exigencias de la pol´ıtica internacional para el tratamiento de la cri- minalidad (Morales Peillard, 2012).
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16 Lee mas

Road transport social costs in Spain: a new rationale for pricing policy

Road transport social costs in Spain: a new rationale for pricing policy

Using road pricing as a means of allocating resources to optimise social welfare when congestion and other externalities arise has been analyzed in the literature for a long time. In the book Economics of Welfare, Pigou (1920) introduced the possibility of setting up prices to internalise the externalities of a given activity. During the last few decades in the transport field this approach has been particularly focused on pricing congestion in urban areas based on marginal social costs (Nash, 2007). However, in recent years there has been a growing trend towards charging all kind of vehicles travelling on the interurban highways network considering all external and the infrastructure costs as a means of internalizing the externalities they produce (Jansson J.O. and G. Lindberg, 1998; Suter and Walker 2001; Parry and Small 2005; Calthrop et al. 2007).
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26 Lee mas

ILLICIT DRUGS: SOCIAL IMPACTS AND POLICY OPTIONS

ILLICIT DRUGS: SOCIAL IMPACTS AND POLICY OPTIONS

Drug production and trade create both benefits and liabilities for the principal producing countries. Illicit drugs can be very important to the national economy: in Bolivia, for instance, the coca- cocaine economy has generated more revenue than any other single export in recent years. Supplying drugs to an international market has benefited hundreds of thousands of previously marginalized people. Poor farmers in many drug producing countries have earned more money, experienced more social mobility and exercised more power over their destiny and that of their children than perhaps at any time in this century. Moreover, although a large proportion of drug profits leaves rural areas, drug crop production does create economic multipliers in drug growing areas, where new money is spent on a better mix of necessities (food, shelter, clothing) and luxury goods (radios, televisions, trucks). As locally produced goods are purchased, cottage and service industries develop and regional economies generally become more active. If all these benefits originated from legitimate activities, the world would herald them as a positive sign of progress and improvement in the less developed countries.
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The most important reform in anti-poverty policy in this period was the creation of the Programa de Educación, Salud y Alimentación (Progresa) in 1997, offering direct monetary transfers to poor rural households conditional on basic school attendance and use of public health services. Beyond the innovation of using transfers to induce synergic human capital investment decisions by households (with the aim of reducing intergenerational poverty traps), in addition to immediate (income) poverty reduction, this was the first program in the history of Mexico to apply effective and transparent targeting mechanisms at the household level. The program was rapidly expanded and cover 5 million households with a budget of 35 billion MXP in 2006. In 2001, it was extended to urban areas and upper secondary education, and renamed Oportunidades, while retaining its original design and mainly rural coverage.
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50 Lee mas

COMMUNITY-BASED AND DRIVEN DEVELOPMENT: A CRITICAL REVIEW

COMMUNITY-BASED AND DRIVEN DEVELOPMENT: A CRITICAL REVIEW

Ghazala Mansuri is an economist in the Development Economics Research Group at the World Bank; her email address is gmansuri@worldbank.org. Vijayendra Rao is a senior economist in the Development Research Group at the World Bank; his email address is vrao@worldbank.org. The authors are grateful to Evan Dennis and Lupin Rahman for excellent research assistance and Hans Binswanger, Rob Chase, Monica Das Gupta, Gershon Feder, Emanuela Galasso, Keith McLean, David Mosse, Dan Owen, Berk Ozler, Jean-Philippe Platteau, Menno Pradhan, Martin Ravallion, Jesse Ribot, Tara Vishwanath, David Warren, Howard White, Michael Woolcock, three anonymous referees, and several colleagues at seminars and informal discussions at the International Food Policy Research Institute and the World Bank for valuable comments. The article was co-sponsored by the Development Economics Research Group and the
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77 Lee mas

La reforma de las pensiones en España : una aproximación económica

La reforma de las pensiones en España : una aproximación económica

La Comisión Europea subrayaba en 2010 (European Commision, 2010) que la provisión de pensiones es una responsabilidad atribuible a los Estados miembros de la UE. Los principios de solidaridad entre generaciones y solidaridad nacional son claves a este respecto. Unos sistemas de pensiones sólidos y adecuados, que permitan a los individuos mantener, en un grado razonable, sus estándares de vida después del retiro, son esenciales para los ciudadanos y para la cohesión social. Cabe evocar aquí asimismo la iniciativa conjunta del G20, la OCDE y la OIT acerca del establecimiento de “suelos de protección social” (SPF-I).
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Essays on Monetary Policy, Wage Bargaining and Fiscal Policy

Essays on Monetary Policy, Wage Bargaining and Fiscal Policy

level of real economic activity in the long-run. The classical neutrality result is not challenged: a temporary shock to the policy instrument dies off in the long-run. A change in the policy rule, however, has a permanent real effect since it alters the steady state equilibrium level of employment. Two assumptions are key for the result: wage setters have positive mass and they internalize the consequences of their actions. Since wage setters are non-atomistic, they are able to influence the aggregate wage index. In addition, if unions understand that firms set the price at a mark-up over the marginal cost, they also realize that a variation in the aggregate wage index has an impact on inflation, triggering the reaction of the central bank. Then, wage inflationary pressures will induce the monetary authority to contract aggregate demand and, as a consequence, aggregate labor demand. The higher central bank’s inflation aversion, the stronger the response of the nominal interest rate and the more severe the contraction of aggregate labor demand. Therefore, tougher inflation stabilization policies raise the steady state level of employment by giving unions the incentive to restrain wages. Because of strategic interaction, the central bank can push output towards Pareto efficiency without creating inflation.
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How Schools Do Policy. Policy Enactments in Secondary Schools

How Schools Do Policy. Policy Enactments in Secondary Schools

El trabajo que aquí reseñamos presenta, sin embargo, un enfoque distinto e innovador para el análisis de las políticas educativas desde la sociología, centrado en cómo los centros educativos hacen política educativa desde sus realidades cotidianas y su contexto social y material, a través de complejas relaciones entre agentes, discursos, prácticas y artefactos. En este sentido, este trabajo prolonga los conocidos trabajos de Stephen J. Ball sobre la micropolítica de la escuela y las políticas educativas, así como los análisis de la organización escolar y sus procesos institucionales característicos de una parte de la sociología anglo- sajona de la educación. Pero también los desarrolla y complejiza, incorporando influencias diversas (Foucault, la teoría del actor-red o el análisis crítico del discurso, entre otros).
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Revisión teórica al concepto de marketing social

Revisión teórica al concepto de marketing social

El marketing ha evolucionado vertiginosamente en los últimos años, trascendiendo a las actividades de comercialización y facilitación del proceso de intercambio, adicionalmente a ello, al mundo gerencial de hoy se suman un sinnúmero de términos que por su complejidad o difícil comprensión, entorpecen el ya de por sí complicado proceso de toma de decisiones. Entre ellos encontramos el concepto de Marketing Social; en el presente documento, a partir de una revisión a la literatura existente sobre el tema, se pretende brindar claridad al concepto y a su desarrollo histórico, enfatizando en los beneficios que su buena interpretación puede dar a las organizaciones del siglo XXI.
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Estado nacional y movimientos piqueteros: un ejemplo de aprendizaje estratégico

Estado nacional y movimientos piqueteros: un ejemplo de aprendizaje estratégico

El cuarto capítulo tiene por objeto verificar el análisis cualitativo de Candelaria Garay sobre las posibilidades de acción colectiva de los grupos piqueteros, es decir que se usarán las mismas variables para observar el diseño de políticas públicas actuales, agregando algunos detalles inherentes de los planes sociales que aquí se analizan. Parte del año 2003 para llegar hasta la actualidad haciendo una descripción del cambio de contexto económico y, por ello, del de la opinión pública. También se produce un cambio en la interacción social, el cual Etchemendy y Collier denominan corporativismo segmentado 14 . El énfasis de este capítulo estará puesto en la Asignación Universal por Hijo y en las Moratorias Jubilatorias, tomadas como medidas orientadas a la población inserta en la economía no formal pero que no cuentan con las posibilidades antes mencionadas para que los movimientos sociales se fortalezcan. Corresponde aclarar que “economía no formal” se refiere a todo lo excluido de la economía formal, es decir, abarca a los desempleados (así sea porque no consiguen trabajo o porque no lo buscan) y a los trabajadores informales (según definición del 2002 de la OIT 15 : cuentapropia, familiares que no reciben sueldo o seguro social, servicio doméstico, personal de micro empresa –hasta 5 trabajadores-, los precarios y los no registrados).
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Política social, desarrollo territorial o trampa de pobreza: Caso Mártir de Cuilapan, Guerrero

Política social, desarrollo territorial o trampa de pobreza: Caso Mártir de Cuilapan, Guerrero

En el año 2011, el Coneval dio a conocer las estimaciones del índice de rezago social 2010 a nivel municipal y por localidad. En el caso del municipio de Mártir de Cuilapan, se tomaron en cuenta 18 localidades (no se consideró la localidad de Los Amatitos) para determinar el índice y grado de rezago social. Los resultados mostraron que 5.6 % de las localidades tenía un grado de rezago social bajo, 50 % un grado de rezago social medio y 44.4 % un grado de rezago social alto. Si tomamos en cuenta la población, 24.6 % vivía en una comunidad con rezago social bajo, 49 % en localidades con rezago social medio y 25.7 % en localidades con rezago social alto. Lo anterior refleja que 74.2 % de la población tenía la capacidad de acceder a los servicios educativo, de salud, básicos de vivienda y de calidad de los espacios de vivienda como resultado de la cobertura de los programas sociales federales y estatales; sin embargo, tomando en cuenta que 95 % de las localidades del municipio eran rurales, colocaba a estas en situación de vulnerabilidad ante perturbaciones económicas y sociales que les imposibilitaban transitar los horizontes de la desigualdad económica y social.
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Itinerario de la política de Renta Social de Inserción en Portugal

Itinerario de la política de Renta Social de Inserción en Portugal

En este contexto las ideas liberales  ganan  (nuevamente) espacio y  aparecen como la (única) forma  de salvar  las sociedades occidentales del colapso económico y financiero. De este modo surge lo que Yazbeck denomi‐ na "(...) crisis  del  pensamiento  igualitario  y democrático" que "(...) trae en  su seno propuestas reduccionistas  en la esfera de la  protección  social" (1995: 11). En  este  escenario, gran  parte de los países occidentales expe‐ rimentan una crisis  del  sistema  de protección  social y del propio  modelo social, lo que ha permitido un  movi‐ miento  de  disminución,  cesación  y  embotellamiento  de  las  políticas  públicas,  en  particular,  de  las  políticas  sociales.  Surgen  (o  se  transforman  las  existentes)  políticas  sociales  cada  vez  más  selectivas  y,  por  lo  tanto,  más limitadas en la respuesta a las necesidades.  Como señala  Rodrigues  et  al  "las políticas sociales acentúan  una  tendencia  a  la  retracción,  dando  mayor  énfasis  a  los  deberes,  aumentando  la  selectividad  y  proporcio‐ nando una mayor moralización de los problemas sociales" (2005: 165). 
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Another possible channel of influence of trade on democracy is what experts have commonly referred to as “good macroeconomic governance”. Supporters of free-trade (and globalization more broadly) have pointed to the fact openness creates incentives for policy-makers to avoid financing excesses with large budget deficits and imprudent expansion of the monetary base (i.e., creation of inflation). As economies become more and more integrated, the competition for capital and trade partners would increase. Such a competition would exert pressures for increased macroeconomic discipline, which would ultimately limit the size of public deficit and inflation. Another way openness would increase the quality of macroeconomic policy would be through international agreements, which implicitly (e.g., signaling effects) or explicitly (e.g., conditionality) would limit policy-makers’ excessive spending behavior.
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