In fisheries, private inefficiency is known as Malthusian overfishing. This expression was introduced by Pauly (1988, 1990) to describe the over-exploitation of fisheries by poor artisanal fishermen in an effort to maintain their income, something which in turn leads to a spiral of destruction of marine resources, declining extractions, and increasing poverty (Teh and Sumaila, 2006). The concept of Malthusian over- fishing characterizes the over-exploitation of fisheries as consisting of three elements: i) poverty, ii) population growth, and ii) a growing rigidity in income-generating activities (Teh and Sumaila, 2006). Although the degradation of CPR fisheries has its own explanatory characteristics (e.g., non-excludability and rivalry), it might nonetheless be exacerbated where Malthusian over-fishing conditions are present and the respective resource is being depleted and becoming scarce. In developing tropical countries, fishing communities are characterized by low incomes, low levels of education, the utilization of non-appropriate (likewise, non-permitted) fishing methods, and rigidities in labor and capital markets that prevent them from pursuing other income-generating alternatives, thus making the case for Malthusian overfishing as an explanation of fishermen’s behavior.
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A population collapse could be understood as a drastic decrease in the population size or complexity over a significant area and a prolonged time (Diamond, 2005) or, in our definition, a drastic decline in the population figures which stabilize far down from the highest levels reached in the past. Populations’ survival and development, in either human or organizational populations, depend on the equilibrium of primary resources. In organizational ecology, primary resources include survival, infrastructure and energy basics, physical space, access, human population to guarantee market and organizational members, and some degree of environment stability. These critical conditions are especially important in restricted environments due to the inherent fragilities of these systems, in which eccentric variations could initiate processes of economic decline and population collapse. Accordingly, this paper defends three fundamental ideas: (1) economic growth is not infinite or unlimited; (2) the sustainability of economic growth depends on the final state of sustainability of a destination; and (3) the intelligent use of resources and the monitoring of the natural limits are core elements of sustainable development in travel and tourism destinations. The following sections present three established scientific themes on survival and sustainability that will be later reanalyzed in view of the research empirical results.
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In the environmental discourse the popular “Tragedy of the Commons” by Garret Hardin (1968) popularized this view through a situation where the users of an open access renewable natural resource would end up exhausting it due to their individual rationality. However the Hardin’s situation was characterized by rather extreme conditions, namely that the users would not engage in any coordination actions to overcome the problem, and that the property rights were basically non existent over the resource. Most local commons problems, however, involve a certain level of exclusion for non-members of the group, and property rights are at least partially enforced. Cornes and Sandler (1983; 1986) and Cornes, Mason and Sandler (1986) have proved, however, that Hardin’s tragedy will not result from his original prediction, yet, the over extraction of the commons will happen. In their model they show that an optimal number of firms or users will result, beyond which is not rational to assume the costs of extraction and benefit from the open access resource. Thus, exhaustion may not happen as predicted. However, these models mentioned, again, ignore the possibility of coordination of the local commons users to solve the dilemma.
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Feder 26 sustains a theoretical perspective that goes again García's view. 27 According to Feder, 28 landlords are not only interested in the poor and marginal land of the minifundia, but their expansionism is a deadly threat to it, for many rea- sons. Land concentration is a necessity for the expansion of capitalist agriculture. Even though production costs are higher on poor land, the price of the land in- creases all the time due to population growth, and the demand for agricultural products grows. The longer the process of modernisation of agriculture, the more remunerative it is to bring poor land under production. According to Feder, 29 it is possible to maintain that modernisation is a way of utilising poorer resources, even though this process has its limits. So not only is capitalism interested in put- ting under its dominion that land which still is not ae independent of its quality, of whom it belongs to and its form (private or communal) ae but so is the peasantry, who does not give up its land without opposing resistance. The expansion of mo- dern commercial agriculture to northern Chile during the last decades is a clear example of Feder's 3 0 view, constituting a clear threat to the institution of the com- mons of Chile's semi-arid Norte Chico. As long as we as social scientists persist in failing to recognise the peculiarity of the form of the commons, we are leaving the door open for liberal and conservative ideological arguments and to their near la- ying political solutions of state intervention or privatisation which underlie the now famous "tragedy of the commons". 31
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The use of a local commons involves the basic dilemma arising from a conflict between the self-interest that drives individual extraction of its resources, and the group interest that drives its conservation. The documented evidence of so many failures, successes and situations in between invite us to continue pursuing this question. In fact, if Hardin’s tragedy of the commons were a successful prediction, the World Database on Protected Areas (http://www.wdpa.org) would not include the thousands of terrestrial and maritime areas around the globe that deserve to be managed and conserved due to their ecological value despite the threats of human pressure to extract their resources. They would be gone by now, as the formal solutions Hardin suggested through private or state property emerged much later in human history, and with mixed results over their effectiveness. However, Hardin’s prediction also warns us that the optimal conservation of the commons does not emerge naturally from the self- interest of humans. The conflict between self interest and group interest requires precisely the kind of institutions that international, national and local organizations promote through markets, states and communities, to prevent over exploitation of these local commons.
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yan crop, cacao. A decade ago, a local produc- er organization, the Toledo Cacao Growers’ Association (TCGA), signed a commercial agreement with a British organic chocolate company, Green & Black’s, to export or- ganic, Fair Trade-certiﬁed cacao to Europe. Funding from the British Government has enabled the rapid expansion in cacao farm- ing over the past few years. Since cacao de- pends upon shade to ﬂourish, Mayans are voluntarily reducing the amount of forest be- ing cleared for milpa cultivation, and growing cacao trees (within the natural forest cano- py) instead. Their incentive to grow cacao is strengthened by the fact that milpa rotations have been gradually reduced, leading to de- creased soil fertility, yields, and economic re- turns. The cultivation of cacao is a potential win-win situation: it is culturally compat- ible, economically viable, and helps rehabili- tate natural forest ecosystems. In the search for other socially appropriate, economically viable options, Mayans are also becoming involved in cultural eco-tourism, and addi- tional non-timber forest product industries. That said, Mayans are also being engaged in equal numbers in less eco-friendly industries, such as logging, roadwork projects and inten- sive agricultural plantations. Clearly, both the sustainable or non-sustainable options before them have concomitant impacts on the integrity of their common property systems;
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In her recent monograph on Colm Tóibín, Kathleen Costello-Sullivan convincingly argues that his play Ephesus, the earlier version of the novel, “engages the ability of dominant narratives to overwrite others’ individual truths in its imaginative contrast of Mary’s personal observations and private suffering with what was to be become the official narrative of her son Jesus’s life” (2012: 186). Costello-Sullivan’s remark holds true also in the novel, where Mary intersperses commentaries that reiterate “the grim satisfaction that comes from the certainty that I will not say anything that is not true” (5). In Ephesus, Mary feels repelled by the constant visits of her “guardians”, who want her to go over the event of the Crucifixion. In their conversations with the mother of Jesus, the disciples openly show their exasperation when Mary hesitates or refuses to say what they want her to attest. She complains that “they want to know what words I heard, they want to know about my grief only if it comes as the word ‘grief’, or the word ‘sorrow’” (80). It is soon revealed in the novel that the apostles appropriate her voice and experiences, as she readily intimates that one of the guardians “has written of things that neither he saw nor I saw” (5). In her testament, this elderly and isolated Mary discredits the canonical word of the disciples and recounts her own story, “knowing that words matter” (104). Therefore, it is only through the articulation of her voice that she can reclaim an identity of her own.
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deconstruction of the networks, discourses and power dynamics present in these chains. Following the network of actors, processes and institutions, as well as the distribution of access to beneﬁts and proﬁts, highlights the socially embedded nature of the timber chain and how there are complex linkages between the diﬀerent processes taking place at global, regional and local levels. It also reveals that northern environmental pressures can bring about conditions that aﬀect the functioning of the market. The discourses on the conser- vation and development of tropical rain for- ests are targeting timber commodity chains linking places such as Cameroon’s Southwest Province with international markets in Bel- gium and the United Kingdom. In response, market players and consumers are beginning to react and even, in some cases, becoming proactive in terms of developing their own strategies and visions for change. Progress is slow, however, and only time will tell whether these diﬀerent initiatives will have an impact on levels of illegally logged timber and lead to a better deal for local forest communities. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
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The absent and the emergent in the network allow the proposal of a sociology of absences and a sociology of emergences, as Santos has enunciated it 56 , extending the present –know- ledges, practices, agents– through an exercise of epistemological and political imagination that questions the sociocultural monocultures imposed in the context of the hegemonic neoliberal globalization, rescuing wasted expe- riences, humiliated or systematically produced as invisible, questioning the commonplaces, in other words, the established knowledge that limit what is possible and impossible, and those who have established it historically, opposing the epistemicide caused by the global North to bring out what is not yet there against the neoliberal imperative of the still more 57 ; replacing the “homogeneous and empty time” 58 that condemns us to the imposition of its linear vision of the live-in-common productive and reproductive processes, influencing the poten- tial of alternative knowledge and emancipatory practices from the experience.
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The documentation process for the identification of false Anglicisms is quite complex as there are some lexicographical sources that record them as if they were Anglicisms, but when we compare the meanings and uses in monolingual dictionaries, we check that these items do not exist or they do not have the attributed meaning in the original language. We agree with Rodríguez Medina (2016a: 162-163) when she pointed out that pseudo-Anglicisms “are very useful to create English-looking pseudo- scientific words to name products” and not only for the name of the products, but also for the characteristics that they may have when being used by the consumers. In fact, sometimes one brand coins a new item or uses an existing one widening its meaning and becomes popular (well accepted by consumers), other brands incorporate it in future promotions or information of their products or try to create a similar one that can be associated with this brand or this product. Besides, we have also intended, while documenting the cases of false Anglicisms, to check the possibility of re-borrowing, “a false Anglicism may be re-imported into English through usage in other languages” (Balteiro and Campos, 2012: 238), by observing their occurrences in web pages. This re-borrowing process is quite complex as even the documentation process can be misleading.
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At the regional level, the JFM areas in Tamil Nadu are critical catchments for major riv- ers, reservoirs, and irrigation tanks in the state. For example, the industrial city of Co- imbatore is fully dependent on the Siruvani river for its municipal water supplies, and the forests of Coimbatore division form its main catchment area. Similarly, the Krishnagiri Reservoir, which is the life support system for farmers in Dharmapuri district, largely draws its water from innumerable streams that ﬂow through the forests of Hosur divi- sion. Although it is suggested that JFM ef- forts will help increase water supplies by reducing siltation of lakes and reservoirs, the regional hydrological eﬀects of these forests are poorly understood, and there is no data available on how much water these forests utilize through evapotranspiration or the relative magnitude of the eﬀects of evapo- transpiration and reduction in siltation. It is important to keep in mind, then, that in the early stages of JFM, revegetation takes the form of grasses and shrubs as well as small trees. Accordingly, the water consumption of this vegetation does not resemble that of a dense forest of large trees. This article has already mentioned recreation, tourism and scenic beauty as potential regional forest ben-
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hypothesis with a likelihood ratio of only 1.1 to not ex- perience symptoms during pHmonitoring in GERD - patients. On the other side, we theorized that hypersen- sitivity, hypervigilance and psychiatric disorders would bring a higher number of symptoms during the test in GERD - patients. Again, our results; however, showed a higher number of symptoms in GERD + patients. Hypersensitivity occur in patients with symptoms trig- gered by reflux events despite normal acid exposure. 12
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Aprovecha Lessig el epílogo de su obra Cultura Libre (2004: 305 ss.) para exponer la idea que le llevará a adoptar el sistema de licencias Creative Commons, que pasaremos a explicar a continuación. En el debate sobre la regulación de la propiedad intelectual se ha excluido el punto medio, pareciendo que sólo tienen voz los extremos: los que creen en el máximo copyright –“todos los derechos reservados”– y los que lo rechazan –“ningún derecho reservado”–; aquellos que defienden el “todos los derechos reservados” opinan que se debería pedir permiso antes de utilizar cualquier obra con copyright, mientras que los que se posicionan en el “ningún derecho reservado” creen que podríamos hacer lo que quisiéramos con los contenidos sin importar que dispongamos de permiso para ello o no. Lo que Lessig pretende conseguir es equilibrar el sistema de derechos de autor –ni “todos los derechos reservados” ni “ningún derecho reservado”, sino “algunos derechos reservados”–, a través del ejercicio individual de los derechos que la ley otorga a los autores, con lo que se conseguiría una manera de respetar el copyright a la vez que se posibilitaría a los creadores la liberación de sus contenidos de la manera que les parezca más apropiada; “en otras palabras, necesitamos una forma de restaurar una serie de libertades que antes simplemente podíamos dar por sentadas.”
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Aparte de algunas excepciones comentadas más adelante, la variedad de capitalismos está muy lejos de devenir razonable tal como lo deseaba Commons por varias razones pero, en particular porque el estancamiento de la innovación empresarial causada por la crisis del 2008 se acompaña de nula innovación social en la mayor parte del planeta. Contrariamente al espíritu de los 90 cuando Fuku- yama idealizó superlativamente la americanización del mundo, la variedad de ca- pitalismos del presente cuestiona no solamente al sueño americano, sino también a la exportación del mismo que debe confrontarse con nacionalismos emergentes o resucitados (Kagan 2008) tendientes a una variedad de capitalismos heteróclita pero no derivada de un modelo único, cada vez menos cuanto más se confirma la emergencia china. Como una paradoja intrínseca al modelo estadounidense, el mis- mo no compatibiliza al gran desarrollo de sus mercados con los derechos laborales, especialmente a causa de una política social de escasa cobertura (Reich 2007: 55), lo cual da razón de un capitalismo muy poco razonable, diría Commons, en tanto que privilegia los derechos de los propietarios en detrimento de los de los trabajadores y no solamente por la insuficiente cobertura de la seguridad social, sino también por la política monetaria de tasa cero que ha promocionado más a la especulación financiera que al gasto de consumo.
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Although in her classic essay “Characteristics of Negro Expression” Zora Neale Hurston sarcastically claimed that “(t)he Negro is not a Christian really” (1997: 56), her third novel, Moses, Man of the Mountain (1939), stands in the tradition of a long history of African American use of the biblical musings that aims to relativize and yet uphold a new version of the sacred story under the gaze of a black woman that manipulates and admonishes the characters of the gospel to offer a feminist side of the Bible. The novel is densely interwoven and richly textured with literary and cultural allusions. It has been analyzed as a meditation on the nature of the authoritarian state and of absolute political power especially when these ideas apply to the reality of black people in the US. Published in 1939 it is no wonder that, as Deborah E. McDowell highlights, “Hurston’s Moses can be read as an intervention in the discourses about race ranging throughout the 1920s and 1930s, but also discourses used to justify...the utter extinction of Jews under Nazi Germany” (1991: 17) since 1939 was the year Hitler ordered the attack on Poland which led Germany into a World War. But if, as Judylyn S. Ryan explains (2005: 29), “cultural identity and spiritual identity are coterminous”, Hurston’s Moses, Man of the Mountain can also be read as an exercise that foregrounds the status and future direction of African American liberation discourses, in which black women priestesses play a central role. In this vein, and following black historian Albert Raboteau, Afro-Christianity “could become a double-edged sword” (1978: 290) for it can be used to foster black liberation theology and to engender a black feminist aesthetics akin to a sacred femininity embodied by a black priestess.
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This work was carried out in the framework of the neoclassical metaparadigm of the study, including the provisions of classical and non-classical science, revealing the patterns of occurrence of demonstrative consumption and the features of its formation and development in modern Russian reality, characterized by the influence of inertial processes. The work reflects the position of the neo-institutional paradigm, in the methodological boundaries of which the concept of path dependence (Pierson, 2000) was developed, as well as the theoretical positions of the sociocultural approach, the application of which seems most effective in studying the socio-cultural parameters of demonstrative behavior and its inclusion in inertial processes. It is based on the theory of inherent socio- cultural changes of PA Sorokin, in which sociocultural changes are positioned as a result of the fact that the system changes due to its own resources and properties (Sorokin, 2006: 798–800). The study of the external influence on the dynamics of sociocultural changes, including in consumer practices, under the conditions of a dynamically developing globalizing world and the phenomena generated by it, and the trends of archaization, traditionalization and inertia, suggests an appeal to the theory of globalization (Robertson, Knondker, 1999).
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ones. The one system of governance, through Traditional Owners, covers all issues that might arise. The knowledge base for the man- agement of traditional country is Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) , coming from the Law, as well as observation and long-term experience. Meanwhile government agencies have quite a diﬀerent paradigm of manage- ment. Their responsibilities are deﬁned by legislation, then by government policies, the decisions of Ministers or Boards, and in turn senior oﬃcers. Responsibility occurs under hierarchical structures, with Ministers (or Boards) and CEOs having important roles. While generally stable, these are far more changeable than Indigenous Law. Manage- ment responsibilities are divided by func- tion. Marine areas are managed separately from those on land, and diﬀerent agencies or sections within agencies generally handle conservation, ﬁshing, and Indigenous aﬀairs ( GBRMPA does have holistic responsibility for the Great Barrier Reef World Heritage Area, but sectoral agencies also have roles – requiring considerable liaison in the admin- istration of each function). The knowledge base comes from science, though also from experience and precedent.
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Exactly how understand this transformation of which Hume so vaguely speaks, has been the subject of a critical which this is not the place to account for. (Budd 1991; Dadlez 2004; McIntyre 2006; Neill 1992; Yanal 1991). It is clear, however, that Hume's argument implies that there are two conditions for tragedy to produce pleasure. Firstly, that painful emo- tions are attenuated or weak – either by our awareness of its unreality, or because they do not concern us directly. Secondly, that a pleasant emo- tion overcomes unpleasant emotions and is able to take up their strength. These two are the basic conditions for his theory of the prevailing eﬀect, which, as we can easily see, extends its scope far beyond the speciﬁc dra- matic genre that is tragedy –for Hume, this seems to be a general principle of mental life. This phenomenon is not restricted to ﬁction, but can oc- cur even in real life, whenever an unpleasant emotion can give strength to a dominant pleasant emotion. It may also be present in any occasion in which a tragic event, even if real, is re-presented, i.e. not directly witnessed but heard or viewed through any representational medium. It suﬃces that the representation is in itself a source of pleasure so great as to overcome the pain caused by our sympathetic relationship with the suﬀering of oth- ers. As in other cases, this sympathetic relationship becomes the limit of pleasurable experience: when we are too close to the suﬀering, or when the pain represented is too great to be redeemed, the whole experience is painful, and any pleasurable emotion in the representation merely gives more strength to the dominant displeasure.
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Going beyond common land and common-pool resources, recent contributions suggest a more far-reaching perspective in approaching these communal regimes. From this viewpoint the commons is pervasive in social life — not only a given natural element, but also any form of social organization or wealth produced independently from or on the margins of capital (Hardt and Negri 2009:117): the fruits of human labor and creativity such as “ ideas, information, images, knowledges, code, languages, social relationships, affects and the like ” (Hardt 2010:134 – 135). There are passive, defensive commons but also belligerent ones, inexhaustible realms of collective autonomy being constantly produced in a continuous return of repressed forms of communal organization (De Angelis 2010). The exuberance of the commons is, according to some accounts, the very basis of late capitalism ’ s capacity to endure ongoing systemic crises for, today, accumulation tends to rely on the expropriation of communally produced value to thrive. Actually, this trend is far from new. The consolidation of capitalism has historically hinged upon the dispossession of the commons. 3 Beyond the mere seizure of material resources or means of production, dispossession encompasses any form of deprivation of autonomous capacities for self-valorization, 4 the restructuring of existence around heteronomous value regimes and the subsumption of life forms under market practices (De Angelis 2007). Enclosure appears when these processes of dispossession are achieved by spatial means, when space is mobilized to separate the commoners from the territorial basis of their autonomy; it erodes the sociomaterial links that allow a particular community to produce itself as a work of its own. In that sense, it is a mode of “spatial alienation”, akin to Hannah Arendt’s (1998:254 – 255) all-encompassing notion of “ world alienation ” , the process whereby certain social groups and individuals are deprived of “ their place in the world ” .
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En efecto, una vez producidos, los bienes intelectuales pueden ser difundidos a un costo marginal casi nulo (Rifkin, 2014), especialmente con el avance de inter- net y de las tecnologías digitales, expandiéndose a nuevos terrenos. Por ejemplo, un programa informático, un libro o un archivo de música pueden ser compartidos en la red y utilizados sin generar costos adicionales y sin destruir el objeto en cuestión, como supone la tradicional noción de consumo. Por otro lado, cuanto más se comparte un conocimiento, una obra científica o artística, y mayor es la co- munidad en torno suyo, más valor tiene (the more, the merrier). El conocimiento, expresado en ideas, se revela como un bien productivo, ya que su uso por parte de unos no disminuye el saber de los otros y, favoreciendo la producción de nuevos conocimientos, permite aumentarlos (Dardot y Laval, 2015: 184). Al respecto, se suele citar la carta de Thomas Jefferson a Isaac Macpherson del 13 de Agosto de 1813, donde expresaba sus dudas acerca de la conveniencia de las patentes y afirmaba cosas como: “Quien recibe de mí una idea, recibe un conocimiento sin disminuir el mío, de la misma manera que quien enciende su vela con la mía, reci- be luz sin dejarme a oscuras”. 4
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