PDF superior 18th century scientific writing: A study of make complex predicates in the Coruña Corpus

18th century scientific writing: A study of make complex predicates in the Coruña Corpus

18th century scientific writing: A study of make complex predicates in the Coruña Corpus

This first classification of the texts was made taking into account extralin- guistic information included in the work. For instance, Gibson’s text (1720), as he mentions in the preface, was written as an easy guide for farriers. The part analysed contains the anatomy of the horse clearly explained. The author him- self after criticising the works of Signior the Ruini and Mr. Snype, the late far- rier of Charles II, says: “we have in our Anatomical Part, wholly study’d the Benefict of such as are unacquainted with the Subject, having describ’d all the Parts of a Horse […] in as short as concise Manner as possible”. His intentions are recognised at the end of this preface, as well, when he explains: “we judged necessary to render it more intelligible and useful”. Likewise, Edwards (1743) and Donovan (1794) include in their prefaces useful comments. Edwards, refer- ring to the errors the reader could find in the book, speaks about the capacity of the potential “common” reader of the book to correct them. Donovan, calling his book a “pocket assistant”, directly mentions the addressee of his writing, an “unexperienced” collector. It is evident then, that besides the general instruc- tions given for beginners, the text is addressed to a popular reader.
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TítuloPatterns of english scientific writing in the 18th Century: adjectives and other Building blocks

TítuloPatterns of english scientific writing in the 18th Century: adjectives and other Building blocks

Samples extracted from CETA, part of the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing, have been selected as my source of data. The eighteenth-century section of the corpus contains 208,079 words, these not being equally distributed as regards authors’ regional origin or the genre of the texts. I have analysed twenty-one samples by different authors, none of them being translations (cf Chapter 3), which will serve to minimise interference from Latin or other learned languages. That is to say, the forms found in my analysis will not be the result of a defective translation or any sort of linguistic interference but rather that of the authors’ effort to be precise. We must, however, bear in mind that many of the authors of scientific texts in the eighteenth century were members of the clergy or of universities, institutions in which Latin was the “official language”. This fact, together with the undeniable prestige that Latinate forms carry, may be operating to some extent in authors’ minds during the process of writing. The fact that CETA contains only one sample per author also guarantees that linguistic idiosyncrasies are avoided.
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TítuloEighteenth century scientific writing in the Coruña Corpus: English "cultivated by industrious and good hands"

TítuloEighteenth century scientific writing in the Coruña Corpus: English "cultivated by industrious and good hands"

It is the aim of the current paper to examine late Modern English scientific texts in order to ascertain whether scientific writing was wholly vernacularised, as claimed by some, and to what extent not only isolated terms but also expres- sions of Greek and Latin origin are still to be found in scientific works of dif- ferent technical levels. A further goal here is to compare the behaviour of these forms in disciplines which today we would call hard or soft sciences. To this end, section two provides a short overview of the scientific and linguistic situation in the English-speaking world during the eighteenth century, and also sets out the initial working hypothesis for this study. Section three describes the material and methodology used, followed by a section presenting the findings of the analysis, both in general terms and in a more detailed way, offering a perspective on the kind of terms predominating in each of the disciplines analysed, plus their type and distribution. Finally, some conclusions will be presented.
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Título"The golden rule of divine philosophy" exemplified in the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing

Título"The golden rule of divine philosophy" exemplified in the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing

The era of Modern Science, beginning sometime in the seventeenth century (Valle, 1999; Hoskin, 1999; Beal, 2004), entailed certain changes related to the way in which knowledge was transmitted. Along history knowledge of all sorts, either theoretical or practical, has been classified according to different taxonomies and has been accordingly named and renamed in different ways. The term Philosophy is defined in the OED as “advanced knowledge or learning, to which the study of the seven liberal arts was regarded as preliminary in medieval universities”. As a subject of study, philosophy was variously subdivided at different times. Many universities adopted a threefold division into natural, moral, and metaphysical philosophy. Depending on the institutions, philosophy could also include other elements or subjects that were necessary for the degree of M.A. During the eighteenth century this use of the term declines (OED) and Natural Philosophy was soon replaced by others such as Biology in the following century.
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TítuloA multidimensional analysis of late Modern Englis scientific texts from the "Coruña Corpus"

TítuloA multidimensional analysis of late Modern Englis scientific texts from the "Coruña Corpus"

In line with this idea of continuity, Shapin (1996: 1) opens his analysis of the Scientific Revolution by stating that “[t]here was no such thing as the Scientific Revolution”, but, rather, “some self-conscious and large-scale attempts to change belief, and ways of securing belief, about the natural world” (1996: 5). This reformulation – or, even, negation – of a widely accepted historical term reflects a more analytical, less anachronistic, and perhaps less enthusiastic perspective on what has traditionally been considered a groundbreaking change from “old” to “new” science (Hall 1954; Kuhn 1970). Moreover, it might be argued that Scientific Revolution is also an unsuitable term because, strictly speaking, there was no such science, as used in the modern sense of the word, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Shapin 1996; Park & Daston 2006; Camiña-Rioboo 2013). Instead, there were a variety of branches of knowledge, presenting a wide range of problems, theoretical and practical, which at that time belonged to what was called natural philosophy. Likewise, “proper sciences” and “pseudosciences” (Shapin 1996: 6) such as astronomy and astrology, or chemistry and alchemy, still coexisted and were not entirely distinguishable. However, Shapin (1996: 5) subsequently counteracts his earlier attack on the idea of a Scientific Revolution, defending that it was precisely at that time – in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries – that a group of natural philosophers from different corners of Europe decided to step forward and proposed new ways of approaching the study of the natural world; new ways that, in comparison to those of the “ancients”, would revolutionise science. In essence, the decision to make experiment an indispensable part of scientific practice caused not only a notorious advancement in technology, with the growing need for innovative instruments such as the telescope and the microscope, but also a gradual change in the conception of scientific “experience” itself (Dear 1995: 13). If at the beginning of the seventeenth century experimentation was still conceived of largely in its Aristotelian sense – i.e. the statement of facts “known to the senses” –, at the end of the century experiments will be carried out expressly for the scientific study and will be meticulously described in the writings of natural philosophers. The modern conception of scientific method will thus have changed forever since.
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TítuloStance is present in scientific writing, indeed  Evidence from the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing

TítuloStance is present in scientific writing, indeed Evidence from the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing

Stance as a pragmatic feature has been discussed widely in recent years, although the analysis of its presence in the scientific register has been more limited. Stance is most clearly seen in the use of adverbs (Quirk et al. 1985; Biber et al. 1999; Huddleston – Pullum 2002), providing a comment on the propositional content of an utterance. Thus, in any speech act the information they transmit involves both participants, which in the case of academic prose are the writer and reader. Biber et al. (1999) have claimed that oral registers exhibit the highest number of stance adverbs and that these are “relatively common” in academic prose (Tseronis 2009). In this paper we try to ascertain the extent to which stance adverbs were used in Late Modern scientific discourse, and whether differences in use can be observed between British and American authors and also across disciplines and genres, taking the orality or written nature of texts as a key feature in the analysis. Data have been drawn from around one hundred and twenty authors, from three sub-corpora of the Coruña Corpus of English Scientific Writing (see also Zea, this volume). Each of these sub-corpora contains extracts of texts from different scientific disciplines written between 1700 and 1900. However, for the present study, only nineteenth-century authors have been selected. The material also allowed us to consider whether the sex of a writer had a bearing on the use of these forms. Ultimately, we have found that the most frequently used stance adverbs are those indicating inclusiveness and expressing either emphasis or tentativeness. Curiously enough, they are more abundant in texts written by North American authors and when we come to sex, male uses exceed by far female ones.
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TítuloInvolved In Writing Science: Nineteenth Century Women in the Coruña Corpus

TítuloInvolved In Writing Science: Nineteenth Century Women in the Coruña Corpus

The number of words per genre and discipline are externally determined, that is, conditioned by the trends of the period that led to the use of particular text-types, or simply because female writers tended to find themselves pushed towards certain formats. Similarly, society accepted more readily that women should write about topics seen as appropriate to their sex, such as flowers and birds (Life Sciences), travel (History) but not constellations or planets (Astronomy) which required the observation of the night sky. As noted in Moskowich (2012), Female authorship, then, is very difficult to establish. On some occasions women did not sign their own works, as is the case of the Catalogue of Stars by German female astronomers in the seventeenth century. Indeed, it was seen as indecorous for women to observe the sky at night (Herrero 2007: 82). And although women participated intensively in the field of astronomy from the time of the Copernican revolution, their access to study and scientific work was limited to the role of mere assistants (p. 46).
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William Godwin's place in eighteenth century memoir writing: the example of the Memoirs of Mary Wollstonecraft

William Godwin's place in eighteenth century memoir writing: the example of the Memoirs of Mary Wollstonecraft

William Godwin's Place in Eighteenth Century Memoir Writing: The Example of the Memoirs ofMary Wtllstonecraft.. Eva M.[r]

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Estimated unit cost of the slaves in the second half of the 18th century

Estimated unit cost of the slaves in the second half of the 18th century

Studies in the history of accounting on slavery, based on primary historical documenta- tion have been done for a long time by the researchers. Those that stand out are the works with specific focus on the slave trade and its profitability. Many authors have written about this theme for various periods (Inikory, 1976; Darity, 1985; Richardson, 1985, 1989; Lovejoy and Richardson, 2007). Other studies include the utilization of slave labor in the textile industry and in America’s extensive plantations (Barney and Flesher, 1994; Fleischman, Tyson and Oldroyd, 2004). There are also studies in relation to aspects of the slave as merchandise (Burnard, 2011). Others embark upon the question of mortality during transportation over the Atlantic (Eltis, 1984; Duquette, 2014). Worthy of note is a group of researchers who study this theme in a perspective of a critical theory (Oldroyd, Fleischman and Tyson, 2008; and Annisette, 2009). More recently, a survey by Crane (2013 focused on the modern slavery as a management prac- tice.
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Naturaleza y melancolía en la poesía francesa de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII

Naturaleza y melancolía en la poesía francesa de la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII

Abstract: The aim of this paper is to discuss the treatment French poets give of melancholy in the second half of the 18th century, mostly those who are especially concerned with such sentiment, like Colardeau, Feutry, Bonnard, Malfilâtre, Légouvé, Léonard, Bertin, Parny and Thomas. The most frequent form used to that effect was elegy, named “la plaintive elegie” by a fine critic of French poetry, Roberrt Sabatier. Far from being that old morbid, “noire mélancolie” close to madness which would lead the sufferer to utter destruction, now it is the emergence, at the beginning of a new century, of a new sentiment, namely “mélancolie douce”. Finally, we offer a few instances of the most relevant poems, with their Spanish translations.
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Manipulative rhetoric in 17th and 18th century sermons: aporia, the borders of reason

Manipulative rhetoric in 17th and 18th century sermons: aporia, the borders of reason

Donne sees himself as the connecting factor between the congregation and God, but being human, he also partakes of a weak and sinful nature. His ultimate desire is for him and for his audience to reach the final union with God. But there are several problems to be solved in order to reach that perfect state. The most evident is how a sinful human being can be united with God. A good example of this paradox is his sermon “Of Human Marriage and the Marriage of Soul with Christ; a Wedding Sermon”. Written in 1621 and preached at the marriage of Margaret Washington, the sermon tackles a very sensitive question for Donne: the issue of marriage as union and the (im)possibility of divorce. This sermon is an excellent example of rhetorical criticism. Donne begins with the sentence “The word which is the hinge upon which all this text turns is erash and Erash signifies not only a betrothing, as our later translation hath it, but a mariage” (p. 1) (sic). Through the use of close reading, the author unfolds the text before the ears of the congregation dismantling it completely, so that the audience might get a full meaning of its implication specially by putting into question the main thesis of the text: the indissolubility of marriage. As such, the author/preacher offers us an exercise of erudite biblical exegesis by deconstructing and analysing the biblical text in order to prove human weaknesses and frailties, which are only overcome by the power of the Divine word. The rhetorical structure of this sermon is a classical one: presentation of the text; proposition; elaboration; application. The rationale of his text is to analyse marriage as the perfect union by establishing a parallelism between human and divine marriage. From the root of the biblical quote, “And I will marry thee unto me forever” (Hosua 2.19) the text follows the scholastic method, ramifying in divisions and subdivisions to cover any single point that could cast any doubt upon the listeners. Donne takes the biblical text and, word by word, analyses the biblical meaning of marriage, focusing on the last word Forever and discussing the relation of the institution of marriage to eternity. In order to do that, Donne explains the three different types of marriage that correspond to the three different types of love (physical, spiritual and divine) and so, he distinguishes between:
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Formation of the Concept of a Circular Economy

Formation of the Concept of a Circular Economy

The research objective, which is based on the comparative studies methodology, is to conduct a Acceleration in modern human development process demonstrates that the world is speeding up and there is much less time needed for new scientific and technical revolution. This phenomenon has dire consequences. Humanity appeared not to be able to transform its ideas about the interaction between human society and nature: change habits and everyday behavior, to confirm the statements above, the thought of O. N. Yanitsky that “…biological forms (including ecosystems) that have been formed during evolution have incompatible temporacies with socially constructed forms of modern life…” seems interesting (Shvab, 2017).
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The case for prophecy: politics, gender and self-representation in 17th-century prophetic discourses

The case for prophecy: politics, gender and self-representation in 17th-century prophetic discourses

reading of an ample variety of these texts leaves no doubt women were genuine in their beliefs and many of them took personal risks in delivering them. But it also raises a number of questions on the often unnoticed fact that many women found a discourse which empowered them in the first place to occupy a parcel of public representation and to be more visible, even prominent, in it. One aspect which commands the attention of a careful reader of Elinor’s text and other similar writings by her female contemporaries is the richness in layers of meanings and rhetorical strategies employed by women prophets. They can not be easily dismissed as the ravings of religious fanatics. By paying attention to a number of rhetorical strategies and gesticulations, this thesis will defend that it was not so much the specific content of their religious and political messages what prompted women and empowered them to take on a public stance, but that, on the contrary, it was precisely the possibility of adopting a prophetic role which gave them a relative safe venue from which to speak. Prophecy invested them with Biblical tradition so as to make their invasion of the public space less offensive for civic order and provided them with a moral authority and a vivid discourse to catch their audiences’ attention.
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TítuloCETA in the context of the Coruña Corpus

TítuloCETA in the context of the Coruña Corpus

2 .2P la ceo fCETAintheCC... Gen res / tex ttypesinCETA..[r]

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The naked and the differently clothed : Spanish encounters with native Americans in 18th century explorations of the Pacific Northwest and Southwest

The naked and the differently clothed : Spanish encounters with native Americans in 18th century explorations of the Pacific Northwest and Southwest

responses to the indigenous lack of clothing (nakedness) or the manner in which they are differently dressed (the berdaches). I am interested in the contact zones of encounters with the native populations as written in Malaspina’s and Fray Font’s journals which, although they veer from the comical to the tragic, are always imbued with great human interest. I posit that the discourse extant in these texts with regards to the natives in the Port of Mulgrave on the coast of Alaska and those encountered by Font in the Arizona desert are structured within the dialectics of “naked” and “clothed.” I argue that this dialectic is articulated through the social and economic relations between Spaniards and Indians and furthermore that European clothes become a metaphor for European knowledge, culture, technology, and power, i.e. “civilization” while native nakedness and difference in clothing is used as a justification for the European’s desire for the acquisition of native raw materials and the surrounding land. Thus the incessant almost obsessive trading between the crew members of the two ships, the Descubierta and the Atrevida and the Alaskan Mulgrave native inhabitants represent the unquenchable desire of both groups of people for the “goods” of the other while the nakedness of the Indians in the Southwest and/or their clothing that is “different”, i.e. males dressed as females, become a rationalization for viewing them as “savage” and therefore without property rights to the land they inhabit. There was an accepted legal notion that the European “civilized” man bringing civilization to a “wild” man had the right to appropriate the latter’s land.
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An Arabic Treatise on the Rules of the Maronite Monks

An Arabic Treatise on the Rules of the Maronite Monks

The exact identity of the author of the piece is unknown to us. Internal evidence sheds no light on the question of composition/authorship. It is, however, possible that it was composed by the same author of the piece that follows in the manuscript, i.e. the Elegy of the Virgin Mary at her separation of her Son, 4 viz. a Maronite priest-monk living in Rome called Stephan. This assumption is based on the use of some Syriac expressions in this piece, a feature which is also employed in the Elegy mentioned above as well as the style of both pieces.
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Enlightenment, education and theatre in Spain at the end of the 18th century. Some clues

Enlightenment, education and theatre in Spain at the end of the 18th century. Some clues

La Bibliografía de las controversias sobre la licitud del teatro en España, de Cotarelo y Mori, contiene un variado conjunto de documentos que dan cuenta del tenso debate en torno al carácter útil o pernicioso del teatro, y que aconsejaba autorizar o prohibir textos y/o espectáculos. No es un debate exclusivamente español, pues en toda Europa se publican volúmenes a favor y en contra del arte teatral (Carlson, 1993), aunque abundan los trabajos que, más que una condena, proponen una reforma para resaltar su dimensión moral; este es el caso de Short View of the Immorality and Profaneness of the English Stage (1689), de Jeremy Collier, al señalar que «the business of Plays is to recommend Virtue, and discountenance Vice» (1698, p. 1). Un texto al que seguiría en el mismo año Usefulness of the Stage, to the Happiness of Mankind, de John Dennis, quien concluye afirmando: «plays are instrumental to human happiness, to the welfare of Government, and the advancement of Piety; that Arts and Empire have flourished with the Stage, which has been always encouraged by the best of Men and by the bravest Nations» (1698, p. 143). Del mismo modo se expresaba Milizia al proponer en torno al teatro: «desarráiguense de él todos los defectos que lo corrompen, y redúzcase a la mayor utilidad y placer» (1789, p. 6).
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Germans in space: astronomy and anthropologie in the eighteenth century

Germans in space: astronomy and anthropologie in the eighteenth century

In this essay I argue that post-Copernican astronomy was an essential factor in the rise of German Anthropology (Anthropologie), a new approach to understanding Man that arose in late eighteenth century Germany. Anthropologie was a highly philosophical cosmopolitanism that sought to unify all of humanity’s drives, experiences, and contradictions in a single, broad vision of the human being as a terrestrial phenomenon. It is, therefore, not to be confused with modern anthropology, which not only emphasizes the study of (usually incommensurable) cultures, but also lacks the metaphysical context that informed this German debate. Defined early in the eighteenth century in largely Cartesian terms as the study of the human being’s dual nature (body and soul), by the second half of the century thinkers such as Johann Gottfried Herder and Immanuel Kant, who were both heavily influenced by the latest astronomical literature, had reconceptualized the human being as an earthly creature whose spirit (Geist) could only be understood with reference to this world. For German thinkers in the late eighteenth century Man did not have an inherent nature, but was the result of an ongoing historical process that was anchored in a physical environment that had been created by God.
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Los rumanos en las memorias de viaje de los occidentales

Los rumanos en las memorias de viaje de los occidentales

The Porte was interfering, in this context, in a particularly visible manner in the internal life of the two countries. Thus, the old autonomy of Moldavia and Wallachia was not abolished for good, but only visibly restrained. The old traditional political- administrative structures (like the system of feudal property) were initially preserved and then later on partially reviewed, controlled and subordinated to the interests of the Ottoman Empire. Very important was, however, in the context of these changes, the fact that after the elimination of the local reigning princes and the installation of the Phanariote reigns, Moldavia and Wallachia no longer had their own forein policy and the new Phanariote rulers were turned into clerks of the Porte, being allowed no initiative in the foreign politics, and being, under these circumstances, faithful executors of the forein policy of the Ottoman Empire in relation to the other European powers. This status was triggered as well by the liquidation of the Romanian Principalities‟ military power, since their army was abolished, being now limited only to a princely guard meant to deal only with maintining the internal order. No longer having a military force of their own, Moldavia and Wallachia suffered for a long period of time, even after the year 1821 (practically until the year 1832), being deprived of any decisive power of reaction, and unable to get involved if any external contexts, favorable or unfavorable to them, were to emerge. The designation of the rulers by the Ottoman Empire from among the Greek dragomans at the same time reinforced their absolute power inside the Romanian Principalities, to the detriment of the role played previously by the boyars, as a whole, in the political life of Moldavia and Wallachia. The old ,, parties” of the Wallachian and Moldavian boyars ceased to exist, partially this social class being content with the boyars‟ privileges and with the life at the courts of these boyars, on the estates they possessed. A part of the boyars, especially those who remained in the proximity of the reigning prince, became rather
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An Acrostic Elegy by a Maronite Priest Monk on the sorrow of the Virgin Mary at her separation from her Son

An Acrostic Elegy by a Maronite Priest Monk on the sorrow of the Virgin Mary at her separation from her Son

The manuscript has no colophon giving the date of its copying, but the item which precedes our piece in the manuscript, i.e. the Arabic treatise on the Rules of the Maronite Monks, contains a note in Syriac on fol. 93a which gives the date and place of writing. It reads: ܐܬܒܪ ܐ ܡܘ ̱ܗܪ̈ܒ ܐܬܝܚܝܫܡ ܛܟܥܐ ܬܢܫ (A.D. 1729 in the great [city] of Rome). We may, therefore, surmise that this was the date of writing the present piece.
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