PDF superior Libya and Europe: imperialism, crisis and migration

Libya and Europe: imperialism, crisis and migration

Libya and Europe: imperialism, crisis and migration

21 controls led to a remarkable increase in visa restrictions for other African nationals throughout the 2000s, Libya‟s southern border remained extremely porous allowing for the continuous entry of low-paid immigrant workers. This was crucial to the Libyan economy and to Gaddafi‟s alliance with African countries and human smugglers. 65 Since 2011 most of Libya‟s land borders have been officially closed, but since border management has been left outside the control of central authorities, their porosity has increased. 66 The closure but porosity of borders have facilitated human smuggling. While before 2011 the security apparatus turned a blind eye to or was complicit with it, human smuggling is now more liberalised and closely connected with formal state institutions and militias – very often militias manage the illegal business and control the detention centres themselves. According to the UNHCR, in the summer of 2016 most detention centres in Libya were formally run by the Tripoli-based Ministry of Interior‟s Department for Combatting Illegal Migration but were actually under militia or mixed management. Amnesty International has revealed shocking abuses by the Libyan coastguard and at immigration detention centres, including beatings and killings, indefinite detention without legal support, harrowing torture and other ill-treatment including malnutrition, violence and sexual abuse, religious discrimination, and forced labour. 67
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Global crisis and the Europe-Latin America migration system

Global crisis and the Europe-Latin America migration system

Desde la perspectiva de la institucionalización global de las migraciones, este artículo se ocupa de algunos de los cambios ocurridos en los lazos activos del sis- tema migratorio Europa-América Latina, tejidos en las dos últimas décadas, que, desde la escala regional, se han visto muy afectados por la crisis global. Insistiremos en trabajar principalmente sobre América del Sur, pues ya hay un camino iniciado para considerarlo como un bloque político, y se advierte que la sensibilidad política es alta. Nos preocupa advertir que los organismos internacionales se manifiestan en línea con la ecuación migración y desarrollo, la cual no tiene correspondencia con las políticas que operan en los países receptores, que usan el control como herra- mienta taxativa. Por su parte, se observa que los países de origen salen en defensa de los derechos de los migrantes (a veces), aunque parecería que son otros elementos los que realmente les preocupan, como por ejemplo, la disminución de las remesas. Por lo tanto, este artículo asume la conformación de la acción institucionalizada de los organismos internacionales en materia de migraciones internacionales, pri- mero ante la globalización y luego con la crisis global, en relación con la ya casi permanente recreación del orden mundial. Así, trata en primer lugar los cambios en las tendencias y redireccionamientos de los flujos migratorios, tanto en la UE como en América Latina. A continuación, se centra en los complejos reacomoda- mientos de las políticas migratorias, con dos posturas diferentes a primera vista: por un lado, su «europeización» en el marco de la UE, en un retorno hacia el «mirar hacia dentro» (a través incluso de la externalización de los controles); por el otro, respecto a América Latina, la búsqueda del consenso intrarregional (facilitando la regularización). Por último, se revisan brevemente las alianzas que se están tejiendo entre la UE y América Latina, puesto que la segunda es histórica y estratégicamente importante para la primera, cuando el tablero de la geopolítica global está oscilante. Nos preguntamos, en este sentido, si se trata de una nueva fase de la globalización de las migraciones, bajo la dinámica del péndulo, en la que juega la escala global con la regional.
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Recensión de "Ruben Andersson: Illegality, Inc  Clandestine Migration and the Business of Bordering Europe"

Recensión de "Ruben Andersson: Illegality, Inc Clandestine Migration and the Business of Bordering Europe"

Los últimos tres capítulos del libro dan lugar a la tercera parte, titulada “Confrontaciones” (Confrontations). El quinto empieza en el CETI de Ceuta, una institución peculiar y parcialmente diferente de un CIE, en la que el migrante a pesar de disfrutar de unas cuantas mínimas libertades ya no depende sólo de si mismo, sino que es “objeto de intervención estatal en la incómoda mezcla de coerción y caridad” (p. 183) llevada a cabo por trabajadores sociales, guardias y otros protagonistas de la industria de la ilegalidad ceutí. A continuación, la narración recorre las manifestaciones realizadas por los migrantes del centro en 2010, por las calles de la ciudad, contra la decisión de dejar de enviar a la península a los migrantes solicitantes de asilo, formalmente libres de circular por todo el territorio español y, sin embargo, imposibilitados a hacerlo bajo el pretexto de la crisis económica. Para el autor, si esta actuación vuelve a despertar en parte de la población la narrativa de la amenaza y desencadena clasificaciones instrumentales entre “buenos” y “malos” migrantes por parte de los responsables del CETI, también los constituye como sujetos activo, protagonistas del escenario público y por tanto alejados del papel apolítico de los “clandestinos”, deseosos de pasar desapercibidos e invisibles. El sexto capítulo desarrolla interesantes observaciones con respecto de la particular experiencia espacio- temporal vivida por los migrantes retenidos en el CETI, así como en los enclaves más amplios de Ceuta y Melilla. Finalmente, el séptimo aborda la cuestión del activismo transnacional, que “crecientemente está convergiendo en la frontera Euro-Africana, enfrentándose a fuerzas de seguridad y poniendo en tela de juicio las narrativas estatal y mediática sobre la migración” (p. 246), centrándose especialmente en una movilización en Malí y en el caso del Foro Social Mundial de Dakar. Aquí aporta consideraciones muy acertadas
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Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe

Irregular Migration, Informal Labour and Community: A Challenge for Europe

However, the critical issue is that of capital-labour relationships, which, argues Raes (2000b: 32ff), needs to be analysed within different contexts of a post-Fordist globalization process, including in this case new low-wage producers in east Asia, nearby producers in eastern Europe and the Mediterranean, and the old industrial core countries (OICs) of western Europe. In spite of the inroad of Taylorist mass production techniques into most parts of it, clothing had remained among the most labour-intensive industries. But the high-wage character of the Fordist welfare compact in the OICs gave a strong impetus to out-sourcing production to Far Eastern producers in connection with the crisis of Fordism in the core countries in the 1970s. This was, further, combined with the introduction of new technology and changing modes of organization and management in remaining segments of the industry. At the same time, however, the new face of the international division of labour, which resulted from the export of capital and out-sourcing of production, fed back into the OICs themselves, weakening the bargaining position of labour and eventually degrading the very character of capital-labour relationships. High rates of unemployment, combined with deteriorating welfare provisions for the redundant, eventually acted to create a new potentially cheap labour force. This allowed the OICs to revive certain parts of the clothing industry, directed in particular towards sections of the market most dependent on flexibility and ‘just in time’ production. Everywhere in the OICs immigrants and ethnic minorities had made up a substantial proportion of the labour force in Fordist-production. They were everywhere affected the most by crisis and redundancy. At the same time the communities and families of certain ethnic groups became a resource for organizing low-wage sweatshop production in a new hidden economy within the OICs, which met the need for flexibility and cost reduction on the part of big retailers catering for local or neighbouring markets.
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EUROPE AND THE REFUGEE CRISIS: IMPLICATIONS OF IMMIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN LABOR MARKET

EUROPE AND THE REFUGEE CRISIS: IMPLICATIONS OF IMMIGRATION IN THE EUROPEAN LABOR MARKET

Despite constant fears about the negative impacts of the influx of immigrants and refugees in the labor market, numerous studies have highlighted the economic benefits of migration for host countries. For instance, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) says that refugee influx could provide an economic boost to countries in the EU. Its latest report suggests that the arrival of refugees will have an economic impact in the short term in countries like Germany, Sweden, and Austria, which have received most of the refugees and have low unemployment rates (The Refugee Surge in Europe: Economic Challenges, 2016). In the medium and long run, the economic impact will depend on the appropriate integration of immigrants and refugees into the labor market. The authors stated that “Rapid labor market integration is key to reducing the net fiscal cost associated with the current inflow of asylum seekers. Indeed, the sooner the refugees gain employment, the more they will help the public finances by paying income tax and social security contributions” (Aiyar, et al., 2016, p. 5).
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Libya and the refugees –“springboard” to Europe?

Libya and the refugees –“springboard” to Europe?

Abstract: The migration from Africa to Northern Europe is not the achievement of the modern era. Undoubtedly, its greatest wave can be dated back to the end of the 20th century. Libya can be considered one of the most important countries having part in this process. The regime led by Gaddafi was defeated after introducing the sanctions of the UN against the country. As a result of it, the income from oil also decreased. As a response Tripoli raised the promotion of the migration from Africa to Europe onto governmental level. After the turn of the millenium it was Rome that applied to cancellation the sanctions against Libya. As the number if the immigrants arriving in the southern islands of Italy became intolerable. The relationship got back to normal in 2008 when Colonel Gaddafi and Silvio Berlusconi signed an treaty with great historical importance.
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Religion and identity in Europe

Religion and identity in Europe

Although there are essential and obvious differences between life in Antiq- uity and life in modern-day Europe, the two have certain significant features in common: Life is lived in a multicultural world that is characterized by a high degree of religious pluralism, various processes of globalization, intensified identity constructions, and religious conflicts. When analysed as culture-contact processes, the Romanization of the past and the globaliza- tion of the present put the norms and actions of the involved parties into stark relief. And upon closer examination, our own globalized, enlightened Age of Information does not seem to offer any better understanding of “the other” than Antiquity did. In any event – and quite importantly in this context – just like the Romanization processes that took place in Antiquity, the globalization processes taking place today lead to an increased focus and increased pressure on religion and identity, both at an individual and a collective level. Also, presumably the individuals, groups, and nations of the future will increasingly assert their own socio-religious identities in the struggle for recognition, and in order to stake out a position of their own in a globalized world. Furthermore, certain striking and conflicting ten- dencies seen in ancient Romanization can be compared with observations of contemporary globalization: the tendencies to encompass both “global flow” and “cultural closure” (which I refer to as cultural “flux” and “fix” and explain later). The flux of past Romanization and modern globaliza- tion seem(ed) to increase the urge to fix upon (religious) identity in order to set oneself apart and find a secure foothold on the world’s unpredictable multicultural terrain.
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Migration and development in Latin America

Migration and development in Latin America

In addition to questions raised about the legitimacy of borders, many African states lack the resources to routinely control the extremities of their territory. Their border infrastructure may be very limited with few formal crossing points or staff to manage them. This means large numbers of border crossings are not recorded by the state in any way, as people come and go freely. This calls into question not only the quality of migration statistics, which are almost certainly underestimated across regions with long land borders, but also, and more fundamentally, the meaning of international migration. A number of authors have suggested that such informal, unrecorded movement across land borders (neighbourhood migration as Skeldon calls it) is closer to internal migration rather than the international migration as seen in wealthier regions of the world (Skeldon 2006; Adepoju 2008; Deshingkar and Natali 2008). It is not only the nature of the border that is different here, but also the nature of people’s interactions with the state. In such poorer regions of the world, where public services are very limited and the state has very little capacity to levy personal taxes (such as income tax) or administer its population through registration or other bureaucratic measures, there may be little incentive or practical requirement for immigrants to make themselves known to the authorities. As a result, much immigration across land borders may be unrecorded.
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Migration and Economic Globalization: Introductory remarks

Migration and Economic Globalization: Introductory remarks

Globalization has therefore not only led to a growing gulf between North and South, but also to increased disparities within each region. In short, the neoclassical and monetarist-based dominant discourse on globalization has failed as a scientific paradigm: it has neither explained nor been able to predict current global changes. As J.E. Stiglitz points out, it is clearly more of an ideology about how the world should be reshaped, and its premises are summed up by the Washington Consensus’ emphasis on the importance of market liberalization, privatization, and deregulation (2002: 67). Two of globalization’s basic premises are “the leadership of civilization by economics” (Saul, 2006 xi) and, perhaps more specifically, the belief that, unlike state-led development, free trade will automatically open the path to wealth and prosperity for countries and societies across the globe. This has been linked to the idea that this process is inevitable and that resistance is futile and even reactionary. Some critics use the term “globalism” rather than globalization to emphasize this ideological character (Petras and Veltmayer, 2000; Saul, 2006).
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Economic and political aspects of the persisting crisis in Southern Europe.

Economic and political aspects of the persisting crisis in Southern Europe.

The fact remains, however, that the vast majority of the population of these countries is not in conditions to 'spontaneously' obtain an enlightenment (much less a clairvoyance) that would explicitly induce the formulation of the idea of 'exit' as a solution, rather on the contrary. One of the regrettable side- effects of this state of things has been, in various European countries, the irruption of ultra-nationalistic, xenophobic political tendencies (usually designated under the very ambiguous expression of "populism"), that tend themselves to be mostly a 'part of the problem', but above all must be considered a consequence of mainstream Europeanism and European integration, although simultaneously configuring an equivocated, misguided response to it. In other cases, and more specifically in the Portuguese case, the majority of the population remains captive of a 'dependency’ vis-à-vis the EU that seems to reside in the collective psyche as much as in the economic and political structures; which is at least as much a mental or psychological condition (and of course also a sociological one, at least in the sense that it configures a generalized trait) as it is an economic and political one: somehow a variety of the celebrated 'Stockholm syndrome' that arguably would be more aptly designated in this case as 'Lisbon syndrome'. The way ahead in order to obtain popular information/education constitutes thus a rather long, and presumably also a very rugged trail. The main purpose of this text is, however, to start treading it.
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Professional ‘imperialism’ and resistance: Social Work in the Filippines

Professional ‘imperialism’ and resistance: Social Work in the Filippines

organising). Indeed, despite being a country which might be characterised as having a strong sense of community, social work did not take predominantly community (or generalist) forms until the UN push for development in the 1960s and 1970s. The preference for generalist skills and approaches, however, does also make pragmatic sense, in a context where just one social worker may cover a large area with extensive social need, particularly in rural parts of the country. Lee-Mendoza tellingly comments that, even where social work in the Philippines does take the form of casework (for example, in responding to child abuse or to the needs adults with mental health needs), “... case managers have no choice but to also provide direct service which means... resource provider, mediator, social broker, enabler, counsellor/therapist, and advocate” (2008, p529). Roles are perhaps defined „softly‟, with social workers being able to conceptualise „problems‟ broadly and to work across boundaries, in ways which does not occur in a good number of other countries. This is, for many, a strength and yet others in the profession argue for increasingly specialist training, practice, knowledge and skills as the way forward.
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Kidnaps and Migration: Evidence from Colombia

Kidnaps and Migration: Evidence from Colombia

El contenido de la presente publicación se encuentra protegido por las normas internacionales y nacionales vigentes sobre propiedad intelectual, por tanto su utilización, reproducción, [r]

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Neoliberalismo y migracin: ecuatorianos en Espaa en tiempo de crisis / Neoliberalism and migration: Ecuadorians in Spain in time of crisis

Neoliberalismo y migracin: ecuatorianos en Espaa en tiempo de crisis / Neoliberalism and migration: Ecuadorians in Spain in time of crisis

Durante los diferentes procesos de análisis que hicimos a lo largo de toda la investigación, uno de nuestros retos generales ha sido interpretar y enten- der los procesos de formación de las desigualdades económico-sociales. El sistema financiero global representa una incógnita para la mayoría de los ciudadanos y está generando una vuelta al “feudalismo”, como dice Baños Boncompain (2012). Según este mismo autor, la realidad es que el entorno neoliberal especulativo prevé la generación de momentos de crisis cíclicos, como por ejemplo las burbujas inmobiliaria. No se sabe dónde se genera- rá la próxima burbuja, pero sí se sabe que esto es un evento cierto. En la economía especulativa siempre es así. En el nuevo mundo económico es la automatización de los sistemas informáticos, que gestionan parte de los movimientos financieros, como las HFT (High Frequency Trading) que se autorregulan una vez creados los algoritmos para poder definir el juego de la compra-venta a favor de uno o de otro “jugador”. Esto es posible por el avance de las tecnologías de la información y comunicación (TIC), que han ampliado el espacio de acción de los mercados y reducidos los tiempo de las transacciones. “El sistema monetario solo puede ser una parte cohe- rente de la constitución, cuando los valores constitucionales generales se aplican también al orden monetario” (Felber, 2014: 69).
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Europe and Ibero-America: between integration and soveringty

Europe and Ibero-America: between integration and soveringty

Teniendo esta base para el análisis, podemos pasar a abordar los desafíos que enfren- tan ambos procesos de integración y el contexto en el cual se están produciendo las trans- formaciones actuales. Ya subrayamos anteriormente la puja entre los globalistas y los sobe- ranistas. En efecto, ese es el principal parteaguas, pero ¿qué problemáticas globales impac- tan sobre la integración europea e iberoamericana? Tres de ellas son insoslayables para atender el futuro de la integración: los cambios por encima de los Estados (la esclerosis del multilateralismo y la falta de rumbo en la gobernanza global), los cambios en algunos Esta- dos (Estados Unidos y China) y los cambios dentro de los Estados (la crisis de los sistemas tradicionales y los nuevos liderazgos personalistas).
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The new Imperialism : crisis and contradictions in North/South relations, por Robert Biel, Londres : Zed, 2000

The new Imperialism : crisis and contradictions in North/South relations, por Robert Biel, Londres : Zed, 2000

La historia de un capitalismo meramente «local» ha sido presentada como natural, inherente a la historia hu- mana, por quienes se interesan en preservar precisamente sus estructuras desconociendo su esencia explotadora mun- dial. Ante esto, Biel insiste en las contradicciones ecológicas del capitalismo, donde el ascenso del capitalismo refleja la victoria de su forma de explotación desenfrenada sobre las otras variadas formas existentes en sistemas sociales ante- riores. De hecho, siempre existió la posibilidad de que las sociedades fallaran; probablemente hay muchos ejemplos de sociedades que fracasaron por razones ambientales, pero dichas fallas se constriñeron solo a estas. Si el capitalismo se hubiese establecido en una pequeña sociedad sobre una pequeña área, finalmente se habría auto-consumido en su propia falta de sostenibilidad, dejando de existir. Sin em- bargo, el capitalismo es inherentemente global, y éste es precisamente el problema. Como una forma de suplir sus propias deficiencias, este ha extraído los recursos del mun- do entero, llegando actualmente a un punto en el cual la crisis inevitable de su falta de sostenibilidad arrastrará todo lo demás consigo (p. 14; énfasis en el original).
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Data Sources and Research Methods on Migration and Health

Data Sources and Research Methods on Migration and Health

Collection of migration-related variables by 125 US national population health data systems (Cont.). § Population-based surveys: collect most complete set of[r]

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Adolescent Latino Immigrants: Migration and mental health

Adolescent Latino Immigrants: Migration and mental health

migration stage of settlement and acculturation. Such services are vital, as immigrants face immediate challenges upon entering the United States. In addition to coping with language and cultural barriers, adults must find housing and work, while learning how to locate and navigate service systems (e.g., school or health care systems). These urgent needs are critical for survival in the U.S. and likely take precedence over the emotional hardships and stressors carried by adolescent family members. Yet, without adequate attention, adolescents are at risk for psychiatric conditions that will compound the already difficult process of adjusting to life in a new country. Social workers have a long history of serving immigrants (Chang-Muy & Congress, 2008) and are in an ideal position to respond to the needs of adolescent immigrants as a means of improving the settlement process and overall well-being.
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Migration and Health: a fast Changing European Scenario

Migration and Health: a fast Changing European Scenario

Migration has become a central element in the economic and demographic development of European Union (EU) and European Free Trade Association (EFTA) countries. There is good reason to believe that the pace of migration will grow even more and that Europe will become increasingly complex from a health and health care perspective. As it does, the planning and delivery of health care will have to be guided by how this complexity is affecting the epidemiology of disease, patterns of health care seeking behavior and health management. Health systems that take this evidence into account and respond to it will probably be more successful than others in helping to improve how migrants, and other groups, access health care services. They may also be in a better position to reduce the incidence of diseases that seem to be especially associated with migration and enhance the efficacy of treatment outcomes among migrants.
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Migration and diversity policies. Moroccans in Spain

Migration and diversity policies. Moroccans in Spain

No one may invoke cultural diversity to infringe upon human rights guaranteed by international law, nor to limit their scope" (UNESCO Universal Declaration on Cultural. Diversity, [r]

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Migration and Settlement Patterns in Puerto Rico:

Migration and Settlement Patterns in Puerto Rico:

years 90 through 2000 as reported by the Census Bureau in 950, 960, 970, 980, 990 and 2000. 2 The country’s 78 municipios were grouped into ten regions, accordingly: 20 municipios in a Central (mountain) region (Adjuntas, Aguas Buenas, Aibonito, Barranquitas, Caguas, Cayey, Ciales, Cidra, Coamo, Comerío, Corozal, Florida, Jayuya, Lares, Morovis, Naranjito, Orocovis, Toa Alta, Utuado, Villalba); 4 municipios in a East Central (mountain) region (Gurabo, Juncos, Las Piedras, San Lorenzo); 6 municipios in a West Central region (Las Marías, Maricao, Moca, Sabana Grande, San Germán, San Sebastián); 2 Island municipalities (Culebra, Vieques); 5 municipios in a North region (Arecibo, Barceloneta, Bayamón, Camuy, Carolina, Cataño, Dorado, Guaynabo, Hatillo, Manatí, San Juan, Toa Baja, Trujillo Alto, Vega Alta, Vega Baja); 7 municipios in a Northeast region (Canóvanas, Ceiba, Fajardo, Loíza, Luquillo, Naguabo, Río Grande); 6 municipios in a Northwest region (Aguada, Aguadilla, Añasco, Isabela, Quebradillas, Rincón); 7 municipios in a South region (Guayanilla, Juana Díaz, Peñuelas, Ponce, Salinas, Santa Isabel, Yauco); 6 in a Southeast region (Arroyo, Guayama, Humacao, Maunabo, Patillas, Yabucoa); and 5 in a Southwest region (Cabo Rojo, Guánica, Hormigueros, Lajas, Mayagüez).
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