We will consult on legislation that would require internet service providers andrights holders to co-operate in taking action on illegal file sharing – with a view to implementing legislation by April 2009. Finding voluntary, preferably commercial solutions, remains the ideal, but the Government will equip itself to introduce legislation swiftly if suitable arrangements between ISPs and relevant sectors are not forthcoming or prove insufficient. We will also explore tougher penalties for copyright infringement. These actions signal the Government’s strong support for the creative industries as we move towards a fully digital world. The UK-Intellectual Property Office (UK-IPO) will put into action a plan on intellectual property (IP) enforcement. The aim is to use the current enforcement regime more effectively through innovations such as a National Centre of Excellence to offer expert police resources to local enforcement. We will promote better understanding of the value and importance of intellectual property. This will be delivered through the curriculum in schools andpublic awareness campaigns. Supporting creative clusters
At the present stage, the gradual abandonment of the territorial principle of intellectual property will also be carried out as national legal regulation develops. Countries with high standards of intellectual property protection are more inclined to remove territoriality from their protection. In particular, the European Union (Justifications, 2008) initiates the discussion about this within the World Intellectual Property Organization. The development of conflict of laws and jurisdictional norms in relation to intellectual propertyrights will expand the possibilities of protection and enforcement of these rights for foreigners. Countries that are cautious about increasing the level of protection of intellectual propertyrights in order to protect the interests of national producers of goodsand services are unlikely to seek to abandon the territorial principle. In any case, however, modification of the legal framework through the adoption of new national, supranational and international instruments is inevitable.
Another key intra-village issue concerns gender. As irrigation increases the value of the land, men may try to take control over plots previously left to women. Field studies suggest that some public irrigation projects entailed reallocations of land and water rights that disadvantaged women. In Comoe ´ Province (Burkina Faso), for instance, while men control land on the uplands and grow groundnuts and cotton, women have land rights in the bas-fonds (lowlands) and cultivate rice. While land chiefs are men, land-cum-water authorities in the bas-fonds are often women. In this context, a water infrastructure project (‘Ope ´ration Riz’, 1979–1993) was undertaken. In the first phases of implementation, the project relied on male chiefs and on a male-biased interpretation of customary rules. After the construction of the infrastructure, irrigated plots were allocated to (usually male) household heads, ignoring women’s pre-existing rights. In subsequent phases of the project, this gender bias was removed and women participated in the decision-making process and obtained land- cum-water rights (example from van Koppen, 1998). Similar processes of erosion of women’s rights in the context of irrigation projects have been documented for the Gambia by Dey (1981) (see also Cotula, 2002). In recent years, irrigation projects have paid greater attention to gender issues, and have promoted women’s access to irrigated plots. In a more recent project in the Gambia, for instance, 90% of project beneficiaries were women (Nepveu de Villemarceau et al., 2005).
children are the future of the country and nation. The whole society should provide a good environment for the healthy growth and development of children. Theenvironment includes social environment, ecological environment, family environment, educational environment, and landscape environment, and plentiful researches show that the urban landscape environment plays an important role for children’s healthy development (Grose, 2011). The landscape environment can be set as the auxiliary intervention system for autistic children, and make up the defects of intervention therapy for autism implemented indoors (Guo, Dong, & Zhang, 2013). Though obesity is influenced by many factors like heredity and diet, lack of exercises is also an important inducement. The natural landscape environment has a certain function on reducing the morbidity of childhood obesity, andthe time of outdoor play presents a negative correlation with the body mass index (Kimbro, Brooks-Gunn, & Lanahan, 2011). The formation of SADC will be influenced by many factors (Xia, 2014), and it is an important therapeutic method to proactively integrate into social environment. The landscape environment undoubtedly provides a natural high-quality site. A significant statistical relation exists between the usage of urban open green space and self-reported pressure experience, regardless of the respondent’s age, gender and socioeconomic status. The higher the frequency for a person to visit urban green land is, the lower the reporting frequency of diseases related to pressure will be (Grahn, Stigsdotter, 2003). Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Protection of Minors stipulates that children are entitled to four fundamental rights, including survival right, protection right, development right, and participation right, which are also advocated by Convention on theRights of the Child (UNICEF, 1992). The kid-friendly city is an idea of urban construction proposed by United Nations International Children’s Emergency Fund (UNICEF): The government shall give children priority in public affairs, and bring children into the decision making system (UNICEF, 1996). The kid-friendly city is generalized around the world, and more than 400 cities have gained the title of kid-friendly city at present. But it is a pity that China has no city which can be called kid-friendly city, which is incommensurate with its status as a country with the most children in the world. Of course, the reasons cover multiple aspects. Firstly, China is the largest developing country in the world. Though it has become the world’s second-largest economy, the national income per capita is still low, and it is hard to
On the one hand, the problem of the embedding effect makes reference to the arbitrariness observed in the studies on the valuation of publicgoods that call into question the aggregation possibilities, in spite of the fact being consistent values. In these works, the willingness to pay did not undergo significant variations if we considered specific goods (a forest) as an object or a wider set of goods which this can be integrated into (theenvironment). The reason for this apparent dissonance lies in the object of the relation of sympathy itself. The relation that binds an individual with a club is the same one that ties him with the sport in general, in the same way that it is difficult to split the relation that exists between a concrete natural good to which one can relate to andtheenvironment in general.
Despite the interest in understanding the relationship between taxation and political accountability, we do not know yet how income taxes by themselves affect political ac- countability in a democratic environment. Two mechanisms have been explored in previous literature. The first one is a ”bargaining” (non-democratic) mechanism. The argument here is that modern states emerged as the result of negotiations between autocratic governments in need of tax revenues in order to confront inter-state conflicts, and citizens willing to con- sent to taxation in exchange for greater government accountability (North and Weingast, 1989; Ross, 2004; Brautigam, et. al., 2008; and Moore 2008; among others). The second is a ”relative revenues” mechanism. Here, the claim is that the degree of governments’ dependence on general taxation vis-` a-vis non-tax incomes affects the degree of political ac- countability. When state elites are financially independent of citizen-taxpayers, they are less responsive and accountable to them (Zhuravskaya, 2000; Eubank, 2012; Gadenne, 2014; and Martinez, 2016; among others). Ultimately, neither of these mechanisms can explain how income taxes by itself—i.e., regardless of the amount of non-tax revenue available—foster political accountability in a democratic electoral environment.
provided for free implies the establishment of a new property right. Who receives it, under what conditions, tied to what other formal or informal propertyrights, varies and needs to be analyzed in each case. Collective action is usually required to set up PES schemes since many services cannot be provided by individ- uals. This is especially true for smallholders who by deﬁnition possess only small pieces of land, the resource to which the provision of most environmental services (ES) are tied. Collective action theory can help to under- stand why and under what circumstances communities and smallholders beneﬁt from PES, or why communities might become more inequitable and smallholders may be excluded. A related concept that is helpful when analyzing the last two questions is so- cial capital. It is useful to diﬀerentiate be- tween internal social capital, which captures the relations within the community, and ex- ternal social capital, which refers to the re- lations between the community and actors from outside the community. Transaction cost economics, economic valuation, and eco- logical-economic modeling are essential to determine the costs and beneﬁts of ES, as well as setting up and running PES schemes. Finally, most such schemes occur within the context of multi-level governance. There is also a need to identify the appropriate role of thepublic sector, the private sector and civil
The population growth – from two millions to five millions between 1851 and 1913 – prompted the occupation of the vacant lands (baldios) in agrarian frontier areas. After Independence in 1819 and more intensely after 1850, the national Government began granting public lands or baldíos, process that reached momentum during 1890-1930. Before the 1870s, propertyrights in these frontier lands were in general weakly defined as informal agreements established the boundaries of the settlers’ terrains. No need to go beyond since at the frontier land was abundant and economic opportunities from land were limited. However, the expansion of world markets after 1870 offered new economic prospects to producers of primary goods in the periphery as land prices in the New World increased 14 . For instance in the Colombian, the notary data on land sales for the
This paper develops a dynamic general-equilibrium political-economy model for the op- timal size and composition of public spending. An analytical solution is derived from majority voting for three government spending categories: public consumption goodsand transfers (valued by households), as well as productive government services (com- plementing private capital in an endogenous-growth technology). Inequality is reflected by a discrete distribution of infinitely-lived agents that differ by their initial capital holdings. In contrast to the previous literature that derives monotonic (typically nega- tive) relations between inequality and growth in one-dimensional voting environments, this paper establishes conditions, in an environment of multi-dimensional voting, under which a non-monotonic, inverted U-shape relation between inequality and growth is obtained. This more general result – that inequality and growth could be negatively or positively related – could be consistent with the ambiguous or inconclusive results documented in the empirical literature on the inequality-growth nexus. The paper also shows that the political-economy equilibrium obtained under multi-dimensional voting for the initial period is time-consistent.
Estos criterios de reconocimiento mencionados en la NICSP nº 17 se aplican a los activos fijos tangibles. No obstante, el §21 de la NICSP nº 17, del IPSASB (2006b), yen lo que se refiere a los bienes de infraestructura, menciona que estos bienes cumplen la definición de property, plant and equipment (activo fijo tangible), y que, por lo tanto, deben ser contabilizados de acuerdo con dicha norma. Relativamente al otro tipo de bienes de dominio público, los bienes del patrimonio histórico, artístico y cultural (heritage assets), esa misma norma menciona, en el §9, que una entidad no es obligada a reconocer un heritage assets de acuerdo con el concepto y criterios de reconocimiento de los activos fijos tangibles, pero si decidir reconocerlos como activos debe aplicar los requisitos definidos en dicha norma.
In a national context the solution to market failures and collective action problems is often to bring the state in to improve conditions for cooperation by, among other things, establishing new or clearer propertyrights, setting norms and standards or providing fiscal incentives. In some cases the coercive power of government produces socially optimal out- comes. In many other instances the state plays an essential catalytic role. Nevertheless, the supply of publicgoods also suffers from state failures, such as rent seeking on the part of policy-makers and bureaucrats, public expen- diture biases in favour of influential population segments or political stale- mate between competing interest groups (Olson 1971; see also Strange 1996 and World Bank 1997). Thus publicgoods often face a double jeopardy: market failure compounded by government failure. In such cases coopera- tion is often spurred by civil society advocacy on behalf of a public concern
The text, images, and other materials contained or displayed on any Yardeni Research, Inc. product, service, report, email or website are proprietary to Yardeni Research, Inc. and constitute valuable intellectual property. No material from any part of www.yardeni.com, blog.yardeni.com, and YRI’s Apps may be downloaded, transmitted,
Additional factors helped perpetuate political struggle based on an unconstrained political system andthe resulting civil war. The wars for independence andthe subsequent civil wars left debts, sometimes quite large. These debts, in combination with an economy that had contracted, implied that the new governments had substantial financial difficulties. Financial problems, in turn, implied a short time horizon and thus an absence of thinking about long term economic development. This combined with the absence of credible limits on their power to seek additional sources of revenue. Political survival depended on financial survival. That reinforced the tendencies to threatened corporate groups and other elites. This behavior by the government induced local groups to seek protection, and hence the emergence of caudillismo, further contracting the economy. Groups outside of the ruling group would act to insulate themselves, implying limits on the reach and authority of those in power. In combination with the economic contraction, this implied growing political autonomy across regions within each new state. In this climate, repressed groups sought greater freedoms, often using violence to create local independence. All this sowed the seeds of spiraling disorder and contracting economy. When order reemerged, it took the form of authoritarian coercion.
From the perspective of thepublic assets theory, where the marginal cost of supplying a good to more people is high, and where the exclusion is possible, it is so called “private assets” supplied by the state. The adoption of the given perspective justifies the inclusion of marketing mechanisms in education as assets and therefore from the private sector, allowing a conception of education as private asset and consequently exclusionary. Nevertheless, education is a unique case in which service can be conceptualized as well as per public assets per private assets and in terms of the Samuelson Traditional Theory, due personal benefits; it is considered a private asset. Under the global public assets conception, the notion of exclusion is used to determine whether an asset should be considered public or private. As a global public asset has been defined as being in fact non exclusionary, because it is available for everyone´s consumption, while a private asset is the contrary disposition, exclusionary and not available for everyone consume. Superior Education andthe generated sub products, (knowledge, development, economic growth, poverty reduction, better health conditions, education, family nucleus feeding) are considered as public assets. An important issue for Superior contemporary education and research is that of “public assets” or better explained, the conflict around “public assets”, the diverse tasks that universities have to perform go in terms of examining the value of thepublic as well as the value of the private. This is a reflexion article andthe aim is to analyze the theoretical grounds of Ley 30, 1992 andthe reform bill related to the financial of superior education andthe participation of official and private sectors.
Civil society plays a decisive role in moving institutional mechanisms, as was recognized in the International Strategy Meeting on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, held in Nairobi, from 1 to 4 December 2008. This global meeting, attended by more than 250 key human rights organizations, social justice and grassroots activists from 53 countries around the world, was a great opportunity for civil society members worldwide to exchange experiences and discuss current challenges regarding the realization of ESCR. Accountability and claim mechanisms were some of the subjects addressed in the debates. Alternative globalization and litigation strategies were pointed out, showing consolidated developments in the area of extraterritorial issues such as trade, investment and finance. This should continue to be explored as it is important to open new opportunities for participating in international scenarios where human rights violations are being discussed. Taking into account the multidimensional and cross-sectoral nature of the human right to adequate food, international claim mechanisms for violation of this human right raise challenging issues for the way forward. Globalization is setting the pace for subsequent changes in the approaches to human rights violations at national level. Claim mechanisms should then gradually evolve in new directions that require further analysis, evaluation and lessons learned. Civil society empowerment and innovative approaches for dealing with human rights violations should be the basis for building this future path.
There are three reasons why the choice between rules causes theories more than does ordinary choice. The first reason is that motivations are different at the constitutional level because the information about their particular circumstance of those who choose is more limited (Brennan and Hamlin, 2001). Second, "[w]hat may be called the natural way of observing phenomena fades away” (Buchanan, 1990:17) at the complex level of choice, such as the choice between rules. Interpreting reality must then be based on more or less explicit theories, those who choose must share the fundamentals of which. A third reason comes from the motivations of voting. Because of the well-known result that the probability of voting decisively is actually zero, voters have an incentive to express their ideology in voting (Brennan and Lomasky, 1993). Or they may have an incentive to follow their irrational beliefs because doing so is not as costly as it is on private markets (Caplan’s 2001a, b, 2007).
The role of multiple causes has also been described by Ostrom (2005) when discussing the behavior of social rule systems andthe governance outcomes they produce. Sets of rules interact in complex patterns, andthe addition or removal of a particular rule may affect the interactions of the rest of the set and thus the governance outcome (Cox, 2011). Scholars studying small-scale ﬁsheries have made great strides toward identifying key processes affecting their governance (Castilla and Defeo, 2001; Cinner et al., 2007; Defeo and Castilla, 2005; Gelcich et al., 2010; Hilborn, 2007; Orensanz et al., 2013; Pauly, 2006). However, the role of rule conﬁgurations in social–ecological interactions, and how it challenges our ability to establish causal mechanisms linking conditions and governance outcomes, has received considerably less attention. One of the many challenges of understanding what conﬁgurations of conditions may lead to particular governance outcomes, consists of devising a tractable way to organize and document them. Ontologies, or systems of classiﬁcation, can serve these functions. For instance, the Latin alphabet constitutes a relatively simple system of classiﬁcation, and its dictionary serves as the framework in which empirical conﬁgurations of this ontology are expressed for a particular language. In this example, past and future books that have or will be written on diverse topics are expressions of how systems of classiﬁcation allow knowledge accumulation and future A R T I C L E I N F O
The institutional foundations of an economy incorporate the rules of the politi- cal game. These rules determine the incentives structure of the political players and generate a governance structure of policy-making. In this sense, the organizational details of the institutions of the State matter and, in particular, legislative rules have effects on the menu of choices, effects on voting behavior and effects on the legislative outcome. Studying the rules andthe organization of Congress is a requirement for the understanding of the policy-making. Certainly, many papers and books have improved very much our knowledge about the American Congress, but our knowledge is not so developed for the case of other many Congresses existing in the world, for example, the Spanish Congress established in the 1978 democratic Constitution. From a new institutional economics perspective, and based on the seminal contribution by Weingast and Marshall (1988), this paper has comparatively examined how the Spanish and USA Congresses are organized. The main purpose has been to unveil the so-called “black box” factors operating in each case.
On the other hand, inflation to some extent causes the main indicators, such as GNP and GDP, to be not perfectly comparable from year to year, as they reflect not only changes in output or real value of goods but also changes in prices, as we said earlier when talking about the difference between nominal and real GDP and GNP. For that reason, we often use what is known as a deflator, which is the opposite of an index element which when applied on a magnitude, allows the conversion from current or nominal values to real or constant values related to a given point in time that we call the base year or point. In summary, it allows us to eliminate inflation effect by comparing macroeconomic variables in a time series, as we saw earlier in these notes.