Historians continue to conduct economic and social historyofthenineteenth cen- tury, though not at the pace commensurate with an era whose manifestations continue today. Monographs, usually one or two on a given topic, address such topics as the prac- tices and agents of domestic and international commerce; rural society; the expansion of mines and industrial development; pragmatic protectionist policies; banks and their role inthe marketplace; state-run monopolies and the commercial stock market; busi- nessmen and politicians, merchants, entrepreneurs, and capitalists. These studies also deal with the historical problem ofthe poor; the expressions and organization of popular movements; mechanisms of labor discipline such as whips, wages, and laws; the sour- ces of wealth such as minerals, haciendas, workshops, and factories; the wine industry; the prison system and mechanisms of coercion; the exportation of goods, especially mi- nerals; mechanisms of foreign trade; commercial modernization; tastes and styles of fin de siècle high society; relationships and strategies of reproduction among lower-class families; the links between rural power and social structure; the technology applied to state-owned railroads; elite practices of charity that also reveal the needs ofthe poor; health and healthcare, diseases and plagues; the development ofthe middle class (the study of which has only recently begun and deserves much more attention given the im- portance attributed to it); and studies of particular regions in relation to such problems as how their geographic and political situation impacts commerce.
The topic of Russian ballet poetics inthe short plays plastic ofthe late XIX till first third ofthe XX centuries is relevant because ofthe rise ofthe ballet theater. There is an interest in it from people of art who wanted to remember the dance in all genres and types of artistic creation. Turning to this less well-known side ofthe research, we have to say, that the ballet topic in art is sometimes affected by theater researchers, illustrating their story with works of art and placing them in publications along with photographs. Engravings, paintings and sculptures are one ofthe truly invaluable sources for studying thehistoryof ballet for them. Nevertheless, it is not by chance that most of these works are kept inthe collections ofthe country’s historical and theatrical museums. Ballet iconography is one ofthe most important branches of theater science, the science dealing with graphic material that reflects certain aspects of dance performance.
On the basis ofthe analysis presented above, it can be concluded that teacher’s autonomy was, despite opportunities to participate inthe decision-making process, very limited. Through their representatives teachers had the opportunity to play a role in school boards but this did not give them much influence over school policies. They had the right to discuss teaching methods and lesson plans at teacher conferences; however, it seems this right was reduced to mere attendance and being told of decisions made at higher levels of authority. It was claimed as early as in 1873 that teacher conferences had «no real authority, no authority to decide on anything that might be beneficial to the teaching profession and schools as all decisions depended on higher school authorities» (Poglejmo v prihodnost, 1873). The decision-making process related to detailed curricula only confirmed this situation. Reports from teacher conferences and teacher associations following the passing ofthe third national Elementary School Act show that teachers were very enthusiastic about making improvements inthe quality of educational processes in schools; however, by theendofthenineteenthcentury, there is also apparent a significant level of resignation and anger as they realised that the government was attempting to disable teachers using their own agreements that had to be accepted at teacher conferences and that their work was increasingly regulated and prescribed.
The Valley of Mexico—roughly the present Mexico City metropolitan area—is a fascinating arena for such questions. An ecological jewel at the time ofthe Spanish Conquest, the region consisted of a series of interconnected lakes of varying salinity, surrounded by forested mountains. Moreover, because of its destiny to become the capital of Mexico, the Valley of Mexico counts with a rich historyof faunal study. Mexico had an active, modern, and well-published group of systematists and biologists inthenineteenthcentury (Trabulse 1983) that left an excellent record of publications regarding the biota ofthe region (Peterson 1998). Since that period, the region has seen a number of environmental changes: sinking valley-bottom topography, creation of canyons by erosion, and migration of treeline higher in elevation as a result of urban warming, as well as dramatic changes in human populations and land use patterns have all characterized recent decades and centuries (Palma et al. 1999). Hence, sufficient information and interest exists to demand a before-and-after view of avifaunal composition.
represented a substantial increase in per capita income, which, in turn, gave rise to a significant improvement in calorie intake and a profound dietary diversification. On the other hand, agriculture lost substantial weight inthe economy which meant that the sector's problems had a lower impact on other activities. A further change was Spain's increasing integration into the international economy also represented a noteworthy change. For these reasons, the agricultural crises during the last two centuries took a different form. Some of them, such as the depression at theendofthenineteenthcentury, the crisis ofthe 1930s or the one inthe 1940s were highly conditioned by the international context, which to a great extent explains them. Others, such as the crisis of traditional agriculture from the mid 1950s until the 1970s, were mainly caused by the changes in other economic sectors and new technologies. Agricultural policy also helps to explain the difficulties encountered inthe 1930s and 1940s. Finally, the environmental problems generated by agricultural development are the result ofthe growth model adopted. From the mid- nineteenthcentury, the problems of shortages started to disappear, with the unusual exception of Spain during the early years ofthe Franco regime. Meanwhile, overproduction and difficulties to sell crops at viable prices increased and from the beginning ofthe twentieth centurythe introduction of new technologies became necessary.
The narratives by contemporary Guinean writers tackling the archive in order to rewrite their colonial past, engaging with its uses and abuses, are numerous. Juan Toma´s A´vila Laurel’s La carga (1999) may serve as one good example of a novel attempting to open a door to a specific colonial moment. The archive in this novel would be both what it contributes to build (as a sort of edifice) and what it contributes to exorcize (as a kind of colonial imaginary). The sardonic irony displayed by the author in conveying the burdens (la carga) ofthe colonial status quo, including native female subjugation (and their unwanted pregnancies by white men, hence pregnancy as carga) gives us a hint of his sense of intellectual responsibility towards rethinking the archive. But the writer also confronts, as subject, thehistoryof which he has been made an object: the very gesture of reflecting upon Spanish colonialism is a challenge to the status and relevance of metropolitan colonial libraries. With a temporal structure defined by a constant interchange between a colonial past and a dictatorial past and present, La carga re-enacts, inthe foreground, the apparently peaceful life of a coastal village, Mbini, re-baptized by the Christian colonizers as Rı´o Benito, inthe continental part of Guinea during the 1940s. 31 Geopolitical, geo-economic and post- imperial consciousness obliges us to remember that the location could not have been serendipitously selected by the author for his historical recreation: it marked the point of contact with the ocean of one ofthe most lucrative and rapacious river trades in precious woods (caoba, cedar, ebony, teka, ukola and okume trees, sometimes reaching 60 meters in height). A plethora of publications on the wealth to be extracted from the Guinean forests appeared in Spain during the 1940s and 1950s*its exploitation having begun at theendofthenineteenthcentury*and serve to document the essential economic value to the metropolis. 32 In A´vila Laurel’s heavily ironic novel, Sr. Navarro, the governor’s lieutenant inthe region, suffers the torment ofthe tiny mite larvae or niguas which eat away at his feet, and which only local knowledge can alleviate, while the inhabitants erect mock epitaphs to the ‘‘mysterious colonial lady’’ Anita Villamar inthe precise location in which she once urinated:
estimates for the Argentine and Chilean provinces, and Uruguayan departments. With this data set, we can explore the evolution of inequality and the dynamics of regional growth, considering for the first time, a set of Latin American countries at both, the national and the subnational levels, complemented with the international dimension. Regarding the evolution of regional income disparities, our background hypothesis is the almost classical one advanced by Williamson (1965), which suggests that during the process of economic development, differences in regional incomes exhibited an evolution according to an inverted U-shaped pattern. This is the result of an increasing inequality inthe early stages ofthe industrialization process and decreasing (i.e. convergence, which means that the poorest regions grew faster than the richest ones) afterwards, due to the fast growth observed inthe lagged regions inthe long-run. Our results show that the South American Southern Cone (SASC) countries do not conform this hypothesis. When the entire subnational units are analyzed together, we find a U-shaped curve with very high inequality at theendofthe 19 th century, a minimum inthe 1940s and another
the dish with the wood ofthe cross and takes it to the church ofthe cross whilst three antiphons are sung. Having arrived at the church ofthe cross, the cross is venerated with a kiss by the bishop, priest, clergy and all the faithful. after this everyone sits down and con- tinues to sing. Then the cross is put away safely inthe treasury. The Liber ordinum makes subtle distinctions in a number of parts in this description. not only is the wood ofthe Holy cross mentioned (“lignum sanctae crucis”), but the precious relic ofthe cross is also men- tioned: a golden cross which holds relics (“crux aurea cum reliquiis clausa”). and according to the Liber or- dinum, after the terce there is again a procession inthe opposite direction, although not everyone takes part in this. The clergy take the cross from the church ofthe cross back to the treasury ofthe cathedral, all the while singing the psalms. Besides the three antiphons that are also mentioned inthe antiphonary of León in relation to the procession, the Liber ordinum also provides a number of other texts that are sung and prayed during the veneration ofthe cross. These in- clude the verse “Ecce lignum gloriosum”, a three-line stanza Crux fidelis (that is equal to stanza 8 ofthe hymn ofthe cross Pange lingua by Venantius Fortunatus), an abecedarium or strophe-acrostic of 23 strophes under
In Hurston’s hands then Moses enlarges his biblical characterization and his ethos is molded harmonizing the folkloric aspects ofthe black vernacular tradition. In this way Moses, just as Mark Christian Thompson (2004: 397) argues, not only “signifies a hybrid iconographic genealogy that manifests itself as the locus of a new pantheon apart from Voodoo or Christian churches” but his ascendency as leader within the black community shatters the concept of racial purity that the Pharaoh longed to preserve. This newly-conceived cultural move was rather striking considering the protean purity that Marcus Mosiah Garvey’s ideology – the Garveyite movement- spread throughout the black community inthe first decades ofthe twentieth century with his black nationalist political programs. Thompson also sees clear how “in Hurston’s Moses there is no understanding ofthe new nation in terms of a biological conception of race, and therefore there is no positive evaluation ofthe Garveyite movement” (2004: 398). It is rather the contrary, as Thompson (2004: 398) himself further contends: “Hurston’s Moses offers a radicalization of commonplace readings ofthe Harlem Renaissance’s cultural aesthetic of an authentic African American being that permits racial détente”. Moses’s magical powers are but a prominent trait that put African folklore within the aesthetic discourse of African America. The power that the Hebrews grant him is not based on political force. Rather, Moses becomes “to them power in itself” (116) due to his developed folkloric skills. Featuring himself “like the voice of God” (116), that is a black God, the Hebrew people “came to believe that the hand of Moses held all ofthe powers ofthe supernatural in its grasp” and unable to decipher such folkloric roots, he “became divine” (116). The Hebrews’ mesmerizing response to Moses’s supernatural powers acts as a mirror to the real exposition ofthe true hues of Africa’s weight on the African American. In this sense, Moses, Man ofthe Mountain’s blending of folklore and tendency towards affective bonds foreruns Gloria Naylor’s Mama Day since in both novels, as María Ruth Noriega Sánchez (2002: 64) considers about the latter, “the magic is attributed to a mysterious sense of collective relatedness rather than to individual memories or dermas/visions”. Thus, this “folk heritage” (1995: 18), as Erik D. Curren puts it, situates Moses as the mediator of a tradition that merges pagan superstition with religious fervor, probably Hurston’s major contribution to the aesthetics ofthe Harlem Renaissance cultural movement. The sacred and divine conception ofthe lead male character is, henceforth, “the gateway between the spiritual and material worlds” (King 2008: 61).
Será precisamente este umbral, este vacío que deja la muerte del hombre, que abre el antropocalipsis como revelación, el espacio para una nueva filosofía. La perspectiva posthumanista que aquí proponemos se inserta en un contexto teórico frecuentemente lleno de equívocos, por lo cual conviene detenerse en una pequeña genealogía de las ideas que han terminado por formar lo que hoy conocemos como «posthumanismo filosófico». La acuñación del término proviene de la crítica cultural y literaria, en torno a las publicaciones seminales de Ihab Hassan Prometheus as Performer: Toward a Post-humanist Culture? (1977) y más adelante la obra de Katherine Hayles: How We Became Post-human: Virtual Bodies in Cybernetics, Literature and Informatics (1999). Sin embargo, concibiendo el posthumanismo filosófico como un proyecto de deconstrucción del humanismo moderno ideado
Obviously, the topic of ethnical identity is relevant and authentic for many Hispanics, be they writers or not—and by extension, for the entire ethnically diverse US society. But, as seen in Pérez Firmat, it has not always been written exclusively in English; therefore, the literary production related to this topic, but written in Spanish, is usually excluded by the American canon due to its criteria of English monolingualism. When US-Hispanic authors have the linguistic and artistic capacity for using Spanish or English and, by either resisting the temptations ofthe singing sirens ofthe English marketplace or responding to their own expressive needs, they decide on a Spanish or a bilingual text to express this topic, such a decision is not a mere selection of language, but, rather, an aesthetic and cultural commentary about their work and society in terms of identity and the natural audience for their art. But the English monolingual concept does not correspond because it includes only a partial, and perhaps false, representation ofthe facts and conflicts. To record this topic exclusively in English not only determines the genesis and reception ofthe text, but may also lead to implicitly falsifying it. It is not by chance or whim that Dolores Prida conceived her “bilingual fantasy” Coser y cantar in a bilingual format, and emphatically demanded that it should never be done in a single language: “This play must NEVER be performed in just one language” (49). She felt that it was inappropriate to reduce the dual existential condition of her characters ELLA/SHE to one language, even if it were done inthe most faithful and accurate translation. Likewise, Pérez Firmat’s poem “Dedication” has indicated the treason or falsification behind expressing, only in English, this topic of identity:
Holocaust en el Holocausto en EE. UU. y en Alemania. En 1983, Joan M. Ringelheim (United States Holocaust Memorial Museum) organiza el primer encuentro científico de esta nueva realidad científica («Women surviving the holocaust») que dará lugar en 1985 al ensayo editado conjuntamente con Esther Katz: Proceedings ofthe Conference, Women Surviving the Holocaust (1983). Desde una perspectiva humanística y social, el objetivo prioritario consistía en mostrar la especificidad de la represión y de la deportación de las mujeres judías durante la Shoá. En 1984 se publica el ensayo dirigido por las historiadoras germanistas Renate Bridenthal, Atina Grossman y Marion Kaplan, When Biology became Destiny. Women in Weimar and Nazi Germany. El conjunto de las investigaciones, centradas especialmente en el estudio de las mujeres «arias» bajo el nacionalsocialismo, específicamente en la familia y en la reproducción, conceden sin embargo muy poco espacio a las mujeres alemanas judías.
Built inthe industrial zone of Rosario (Santa Fe, Argentina) inthe late nineteenthcentury and annex to the facilities ofthe Ferrocarril Central Argentino (FCCA), what is now called "Barrio Inglés" (“British Quarter”) formerly had other names: Barrio Talleres, Morrison Building, and Batten Cottages. This paper attempts to get an “operational onthology” ofthe quarter, analyzing -into an archaeological frame- the relicts found and the social conditions that allowed the making ofthe neigh- bourhood, and where both builders and inhabitants had lived. Those conditions to- day remain still forgotten. The present paper about them, will open further and mo- re detailed studies about this subject of investigation.
The negative impact of these administrative changes on the exploitation of common land becomes more evident when we consider the fiscal and economic choices made by the French and Austrian governments. They promulgated new laws to improve the budget ofthe municipalities and, at the same time, to increase yields from common land. The main principle was that a private landlord could secure higher productivity than a public landlord. Also, through the sale of common land the public authorities immedi- ately received money and the prospect of further earnings from the taxes generated by the sale of future harvests, which were expected to be better than those obtained by the di- rect intervention ofthe municipalities or the vicinie . This also explains why an important share ofthe beni nazionali (lands owned by the state which had previously belonged to the abolished ecclesiastic institutions) was sold. The government put this land inthe mar- ket to balance the budget and, thanks to the detailed information on the quality of land gathered by the new cadastre, it could increase total revenues. Even if taxes on real es- tate did not increase when the quality ofthe land or the yields improved, the public au- thorities had new revenue linked to the taxes concerning the sales ofthe greater quantity of timber, hay etc. Besides that, municipalities had to pay taxes on common land, so when taxes were superior to the earnings granted by real estate it was evident that municipal- ities preferred to sell. Those who traditionally exploited common land were compensated by the money that the municipalities saved after the sales, but they often received less than the value of that which they had lost, namely, the right to their share inthe produce of common pastures and woods 10 .
In her recent monograph on Colm Tóibín, Kathleen Costello-Sullivan convincingly argues that his play Ephesus, the earlier version ofthe novel, “engages the ability of dominant narratives to overwrite others’ individual truths in its imaginative contrast of Mary’s personal observations and private suffering with what was to be become the official narrative of her son Jesus’s life” (2012: 186). Costello-Sullivan’s remark holds true also inthe novel, where Mary intersperses commentaries that reiterate “the grim satisfaction that comes from the certainty that I will not say anything that is not true” (5). In Ephesus, Mary feels repelled by the constant visits of her “guardians”, who want her to go over the event ofthe Crucifixion. In their conversations with the mother of Jesus, the disciples openly show their exasperation when Mary hesitates or refuses to say what they want her to attest. She complains that “they want to know what words I heard, they want to know about my grief only if it comes as the word ‘grief’, or the word ‘sorrow’” (80). It is soon revealed inthe novel that the apostles appropriate her voice and experiences, as she readily intimates that one ofthe guardians “has written of things that neither he saw nor I saw” (5). In her testament, this elderly and isolated Mary discredits the canonical word ofthe disciples and recounts her own story, “knowing that words matter” (104). Therefore, it is only through the articulation of her voice that she can reclaim an identity of her own.
Finally, in Table 4 we show that the limited liability partnership was strongly preferred over the corporation by Mexican firms inthe commerce sector. We also find that British and German firms inthe service and commercial sectors preferred to register their businesses as limited partnerships. These British and German firms operated mainly inthe insurance and commercial sectors. The Mexican entrepreneurs that preferred the limited liability partnership above all organizational forms concentrated inthe commercial sector. Mexican firms in this sector had 1.5 higher probability of choosing a LLP over a corporation. There were over 430 Mexican limited liability companies inthe commercial sector (over 1/7 ofthe total Mexican firms inthe sector and about 8-9% of all the firms inthe sample). This was a common arrangement between merchants and one or more investors. The merchant kept control ofthe day-to-day commercial operations and had a partner financing part ofthe operation, while facing limited risk (with limited liability). The number of different trades within the commercial sector using limited liability partnerships is so large that it is complicated to make generalizations. The dominant trades were small loan houses, grocery stores, trading houses, tailors, textile trading houses, and shoe merchants.