education during the last decades should lead to an increase of participation of the last young generations (Leighly, 1995). The explanation of the “life-cycle” is based on the idea that people acquire experience in the field of participation throughout time. An already classic study by Milbrath and Goel (1977) stated that there is a relation between age andpoliticalparticipation: politicalparticipation increases with age and reaches a maximum at the adult age, later gradually decreasing with older ages. However, participation in protest actions seems to be essentially something of youngpeople, and after youth these kind of political actions are not common among the adult and old population. As individuals play different social roles, they acquire resources of participation (Steckenrider & Cutler, 1989). Especially important are life transitions, as they are linked to important changes in terms of the individual’s social network. For example, aspects like marriage or accessing the labour market have been identified as factors that positively affect politicalparticipation. In general, the increase and diversification of social networks, which typically takes places during intermediate maturity, are linked to higher levels of politicalparticipation. After that, at older ages there is a trend towards disruption of pre-existing social networks, which would explain the decrease of politicalparticipation of these age groups.
represented in a sufficiently representative way in a research as to establish valid comparisons from a statistical point of view between the different groups. All groups chosen for the “Foreigners survey” belonged to the countries that in the past provided “Gastarbeiter”, and represented three differentiated cultural models. Furthermore, they differed in terms of the legal-political position as a consequence of their countries of origin belonging or not to the European Union. This different legal-political position (combined with other numerous cultural factors) had great influence on the possibilities of identification of youngpeople. And also another known fact has to be added, that is, the belonging to the European Union plays an important role regarding the behaviour of the native population in terms of the level of acceptance of immigrants. In comparison with these significant differences, starting positions for political orientations of youngpeople are placed in a stage of longer duration of socio-cultural communication of youngpeople with the society in the country of reception. Everyone but a small minority longs or plans to stay in Germany. In spite of this common existential interest, we need to analyze the possibilities and developments of political orientation andparticipation in a context of varied and different conditions:
2. Studies focusing on the ffiie elld ds s o off lliiffe e: the different situations in life and the behaviour of youngpeople are analyzed sorted by fields of life. Situation and behaviour is studied in a wide range of situations, but normally it is not possible to cover all the topics completely andresearch them in depth. (2) This kind of investigation usually maintains some constant neuralgic topics, which allows comparisons with one or more past studies, and that way it is possible to see the changes that have happened. These studies analyze basic information such as social origin, educational trajectory and labour situation, as well as attitudes and expectations with regard to values, cultural attitudes, leisure-time, identity, andpoliticalparticipation. Usually, already tested instruments are used and, that way, it is possible to examine and compare if there are changes in the ways youngpeople react to new situations.
Young Europeans: Survey among youngpeople aged between 15-30 in the European Union / by Gallup Organization. — [Luxembourg]: [Office for Official Publications of the European Communities], . 26 p.: tab., graph. ; 30 cm. The research work, carried out in January and February 2007, involved 19,000 Europeans ranging from 15 to 30 years of age; this Euro barometer is the first survey to include youngpeople from the 27 European Union Member States. The following aspects of their lives are studied: the meaning and the future of the European Union; leisure and associationism activities; Citizenship in the European Union; Politicalparticipation in society; Employment and unemployment; Autonomy and financial resources. http://ec.europa.eu/public_opinion/flash/fl_202_en.pdf
Although most of the youngpeople asked (52%) consider volunteers should not receive any kind of compensation for their work, there is an important number (44%) who is favourable to thinking that young volunteers should receive compensations for their work. The youngpeople who participate or have participated in voluntary organisations are the ones who think that this work must be carried out without obtaining any compensation.
• Non/anti-representative - In light of the above, this is a movement that at one level resists representation or the apparatus of representa- tive politics as that has long been thought about. None of these initia- tives or events have so far given rise to a traditional movement or political party. Some of them have come and gone leaving little in the way of permanent memorial. In Spain for example, what we observe is some of those identifying with 15M creating political organisations, but of a new kind. Some of them such as Podemos and Party X reject the traditional hierarchy of political parties with clear leaderships and a standing bureaucracy in favour of the use of electronic Peer-2-Peer and Twiki technologies facilitating an interchange between activists. Other parties style themselves as protest parties, seeing their role ex- clusively in terms of humiliating the political class or making the case for a ‘second transition’ to a more democratic and proportional system of elections. None of these new political parties represent the Indig- nados as such. As is often stated by the parties themselves, the Indig- nados cannot be represented without losing what Indignados means: the description of all those who are angry or ‘pissed off’. The parties are better characterised as an extension of protest, an extension of ‘the street’, or what is more the same, new tools for developing weapons in the struggle against elites. They are seeking to keep alive the spirit of direct and immediate participation by anyone who shares the con- viction that the present misery needs to be resisted. That they take the form of political parties is more testament to the ease with which it is possible to create parties that are flatter, less hierarchical, or less like traditional parties in structure. The point should be clear: in Spain and elsewhere citizens are seeking ways of protesting, resisting, that evade the exclusionary character of politics as this has been practised hith- erto (Feenstra, 2015). They seek open, participatory and deliberative mechanisms whether physical or virtual in which ordinary people can recuperate some sense of voice and value rather than being spoken for by others.
assume a higher risk of precarious employment and other social issues, which even could come to a lack of trust in social institutions . In all the countries of the European Union, the NEETs register high unemployment rates, and many of them, when finishing the basic or compulsory education, do not continue studying either. This inactivity leads to a delay in emancipation, family dependence, lack of integration in society, and can lead to psychological problems, with the ultimate effect of a process of social exclusion . It is like a wound that will heal, but, perhaps, accompany them throughout life. In sociology it is called the “scar effect”, which points to the fact that we have generations ahead that will be distrustful and without great motivation neither for the work world nor for other issues. By not having many expectations, they survive reality in the way that they believe that the least harm can be done to them. For those who have had a previous job, this scar effect could be reduced if they have received an unemployment benefit , but this does not happen if they are looking for their first job, as it is, in general, the case that concerns this research.
out practices, youth are exposed to new standards and norms for participation in specialized communities and through collaborative arrangements. These unique affordances of networked publics have altered many of the conditions of socializing and publicity for youth, even as they build on existing youth practices of hanging out, flirting, and pursuing hobbies and interests. In our work, contrary to fears that social norms are eroding online, we did not find many youth who were engaging in behaviors that were riskier than what they did in offline contexts. Youth online communication is conducted in a context of public scrutiny and structured by shared norms and a sense of reciprocity. At the same time, the actual shape of peer-based communi- cation, and many of its outcomes, are profoundly different from those of an older generation, and are constantly being redefined. We found examples of parents who lacked even rudimen- tary knowledge of social norms for communicating online or any understanding of all but the most accessible forms of video games. Further, the ability for many youth to be in constant pri- vate contact with their peers strengthens the force of peer-based learning, and it can weaken adult participation in these peer environments. A kid who is highly active online, coupled with a parent who is disengaged from these new media, presents the risk of creating an intergen- erational wedge. We do not believe that educators and parents need to bear down on kids with complicated rules and restrictions and heavy-handed norms about how they should engage online, particularly if they are not attuned to the norms that do exist among youth. Simple pro- hibitions, technical barriers, or time limits on use are blunt instruments; youth perceive them as raw and ill-informed exercises of power.
The typical pattern of precariousness in Bulgaria, similar to the situation in some of the post-socialist countries, as well as in Greece and Italy, is the concentration of youngpeople in the sector of undeclared work. The informal employment consists of numerous forms among which the most wide spread are the unpaid work in a family business, work with an employment contract albeit with false contents which means that social insurance is paid on a small part of the stipulated wage and the rest of the wage is paid in cash (according to MBMD this concerns about 25% of youngpeople), and most commonly work without a labour contract. Hidden employment has been identified in the JAP (2002) as a significant problem of the established structure of the labour market in Bulgaria, estimated to account for 20% to 36% of the GDP in 2000, placing the workforce in precarious low productivity jobs, without employment protection. According to the Labour Force Survey in the forth quarter of 2004 about 10% of youngpeople are employed without a labour contract while Vitosha Research (2004) determines their share to be 17% in 2004. When we add the students combining studies and work, and the agricultural workers, (as both groups work mostly without a written contract), the real share probably will turn out to be twice as big. These forms of employment in a state of high unemployment rate and poverty not only provide income for youngpeople but allow them to gather skills and social contacts which can serve them in their transition to the formal economy. Nevertheless, there is a danger that this hidden employment will be a trap that youngpeople will not be able to escape from for their entire career because the acquired skills are not recognized officially during the search of a new job and the lack of social insurance payments prevents the young from accessing the system of social support.
The idea of ‘Facebook envy’ has been the subject of a number of research studies, particularly focusing on the impact of ‘passive following’ on social media. Some studies have identified associations between this problematic use of social media and depression, which is exacerbated with greater use. The increase in social media use has been a double-edged sword. Although users can now communicate and stay up to date with friends and family more easily and faster than before, people are now consciously more aware of what they are missing out on. The popular concept ‘Fear of missing out’ (FOMO) has come to the fore as a psychological phenomenon with multifaceted implications for young people’s mental wellbeing. According to Przybylski et al. (2013), FOMO can be described as ‘a pervasive apprehension that others might be having rewarding experiences from which one is absent’ and that it is ‘characterized by the desire to stay continually connected with what others are doing’. FOMO has been linked to high levels of social media engagement; that is, FOMO increases in line with intensity of social media use. The need to be continually connected with what other people are doing (so as to avoid missing out) can cause feelings of anxiety, inadequacy and distress, feelings which are exacerbated because individuals are constantly being made aware of their friend’s and family’s activities (RSPH, 2017; Przybylski et al., 2013).
In fact, this relationship between agents can give the media an advantage in its socializing and identity- building function among adolescents, since they are capable of enhancing or nullifying the influence of other agents of socialization (Medrano & Cortés, 2008). An example of this possible situation, which is more common than many would expect or want, can be seen in previous works, such as the one of Masanet and Buckingham (2015) with the teen series Skins. The paper explored the potential of the entertainment media as a source of information and/or informal education about sexuality among adolescents. The results revealed that some questions about sexuality and love relationships raised in the series promoted the debate in the fan forum. Subjects that they could hardly discuss with their parents, such as the loss of virginity or homosexual relationships, were discussed in the forum and this debate, sometimes, crossed the barriers of pre-established discourses. This combination of breakthrough sexual representations and anonymous space for discussion –fan forum– promoted a situation of non-formal education among equals and highlighted
tiple data sources including accelerometry, in-depth interviews, and observation in order to describe and understand the physical activity behavior of adults with ID. The participants perceived several barriers to par- ticipation in physical activity including concerns about job/life, cost of activities, weather, time, transportation, and health issues. Many of the perceived barriers were supported by caregivers. Additionally, there was a consensus among people with ID and their caregivers that more guidance was required for people to engage in activity. People generally felt that outside assistance such as instructors and specialized programs and facili- ties was needed in order for adults with ID to be active. It is of concern that sedentary behavior was actually reinforced in people with ID by the individuals most responsible for supporting their lives. In some cases, coaches, doctors, and caregivers actually discouraged physical activity because they had concerns over safety and health. Despite spending their leisure time predomi- nantly inactive, adults with ID did feel that physical activity had beneﬁts such as rewards (e.g. medals at Special Olympics), looking good, social factors, and feeling good. Shapiro’s 36 work with Special Olympians
We propose a model where the guerrilla wants to maximize its intertemporal utility, where each period the utility is given by an expected value of three scenarios. In the first scenario a peace treaty is signed, violence ceases and the guerrilla participates democratically. In the second one a revolution is achieved and the guerrilla obtains complete control over the country. In these two cases we abstract from the strategies that the guerrilla chooses afterwards in each situation and assign a constant value to each one; let them be 𝑈𝑈 and 𝑊𝑊 , respectively. We assume 𝑈𝑈 ≤ 𝑊𝑊 , since the best scenario for the guerrilla is to have complete control over the country through the revolution. Finally, in the third scenario, the conflict continues and the same situation is faced in the next period.
Theatre projects conducted in several pedagogical contexts, among others ‘Opgang 2 - Ungdomsspor’ (Ørskov, 2014), and ‘Teater Billedspor’ (Harste, 1995) have proven to have a positive effect on exposed young people's self-perception, and social development (Helm, 2008 & 2011). Studies of theater projects with mentally vulnerable youngpeople have also shown that the participation of youngpeople in theater production processes has stimulated their confidence and their ability to metalize (Helm, 2011). Metallization means to have "minds on mind" (Skårderud & Karterud, 2007 p .13-32) to be able to look at yourself from outside, and at others from inside, and in that way develop the possibilities for regulating affect and behavior that could directly or indirectly harm you in a social context (Bateman & Fonagy, 2007). The effect of using a combination of the two mentioned dramaturgical models have been used and examined in drama teaching and theatre productions with vulnerable youngpeople (Helm, 2011), and the model of Recursive Creation has proved to be useful as the overall framework for planning and developing in social projects, and contexts (Helm, 2009).
The breakdown in the youth population’s demographic evolution ex- perienced at the end of the last century still stands in 2006. The youths in the highest age group (aged 25 to 29) represent the largest youth popu- lation groups, both in absolute and relative terms. Whist from 19 years downwards, the youth segments have been falling in size uninterrupt- edly. This reduction in the new youth contingents is the result of the falling birth rate that we have witnessed since the second half of the 1970s.
Similarly, there were ethical limitations. As Hammersley and Atkinson state: ‘The ethnographer participates openly or covertly in the everyday lives of people during a relatively extensive time, observing what happens, listening to what is said, asking questions; in other words, collecting all types of accessible data to throw light on the issues that he or she has chosen to study’ (Hammersley and Atkinson 1994, 15). Ethnographic research has generated a great deal of controversy; to the point that it has become increasingly unpopular since the 1960s or 1970s (Bloor and Ward 2006) because of the increasing inﬂuence of policy-informed orientations of criminology and the domination of standard methodological toolkits used by criminologists which serve to fetishize quantitative methodology (Calvey 2013). So according to these strict canons, anything we did which was ethnographic would be faced with a violation of the ethics of social investigation (Angrosino 2007). However, in Spain, these issues have not come to the attention of the ethics committees as it is rare that ethnographic research is practiced here. However, as defended by Adler and Adler: ‘Observers are reminded that they must take into account the right of subjects not to be manipulated when they weigh up the potential beneﬁts of the role of investigation against the harm that could arise from it’ (Adler and Adler 1994, 389). And the fact is that during this study the potential beneﬁts were high because we proceeded with extreme care in the collection and 58
As suggested above, another trend which should not be ignored, as it provides a framework for recent developments in autonomy at local level, is that of globalism and globalization. Globalization processes are undoubtedly posing a threat to local governments, particularly those of large cities, since it is the local level which is becoming more and more closely connected to the global order. The internationalization of capital forces local communities to strive for greater autonomy and decision-making capacity in order to try to solve their problems, especially those related to economic welfare. As a result, such local communities require greater development of their civil society and democratic practices. This pressure on specific localities is justified by the comparative economic advantages enjoyed by such communities in comparison to their states. Furthermore, we must add the costs in terms of territorial inequality associated with the decreasing dependence on the national level of government. It is then that the dangers then become obvious. It is easy to imagine the following situation – the existence of various well-connected local communities, economically and politically strong, and in which there is a very advanced civic culture with regard to new forms of democratic participation, but which are, however, surrounded by other communities which have not enjoyed a similar degree of progress.
Granada, and researcher at the Centre of Andalusian Researches. Dr. rer. soc., sociologist, political scientist, degree in law. Stays in different research centres, like the Norwegian Social Science Data Service (University of Bergen), the Zentral Archiv (University of Köln), the University of Michigan and the University of Indiana. His main fields of research are Sociology of Politics, Economic Sociology and Quantitative Research Methods. Recent publication include: “Préférences pour la Redistribution dans l’Europe. Inégalité Sociale, Etat-Providence et Dispositions Fiscales” (Pole Sud, 2008) and “Atribución de la Responsabilidad y Voto Económico. El caso de España” (Trimestre Económico, 2007).
The countries where the level of trust in politicians seems to be highest are the Netherlands and Sweden. In Poland, a country that during many years has suffered from important political crisis, but also in Spain, mistrust reaches maximum levels, among the young as well as among the population in general. Again, French politicians are subjected to an intermediate level of mistrust within the overall European panorama. Finally, party identification seems clearly more solid in the countries that also register a high level of political involvement, as well as competence andpolitical trust. In the Netherlands and, mainly, in Sweden, a wide majority of the citizens declare themselves to be close to a political party (58% and 69%, respectively). In Sweden, even, there is no regression whatsoever of the party links in the younger generations. We are dealing, no doubt, with a rare case in Europe: seven out of ten young Swedes declare themselves close to a political party. In the case of the young French, this proportion is barely over a third of the total (37%).