Una élite reivindicadora del consumo local – los casos de Cuervo y Vergara

Praise

Consider how praise functions as an extrinsic event sometimes to control another’s behav-ior and sometimes to inform her competence about a job well done (Henderlong &

Lepper, 2002). A supervisor using praise, for instance, might communicate praise in an informational way, saying, “Excellent job, your productivity increased by 10%.” The supervisor might, however, communicate praise in a controlling way, saying, “Excellent job, you did just as you should.” Tagging phrases such as “you should,” and “you ought to” onto the praise gives the feedback a tone of pressure (Ryan, 1982). In contrast, provid-ing clear, specific, and competence-diagnosprovid-ing feedback typically gives praise a highly informative function (Brophy, 1981). For example, the praise, “Excellent job, I noticed that you greeted the customer warmly and with a sincere tone in your voice,” speaks informatively to an employee’s sense of competence in a way that a simple “Excellent job” does not. The conclusion is that the motivational effect is not in the praise per se but in the way it is administered (Deci & Ryan, 1985b).

Competition

A second illustration of how the same external event can be administered in a relatively controlling or in a relatively informational way is interpersonal competition (Reeve &

Deci, 1996). When the social context puts a good deal of pressure on winning (with its evaluative audience, coaches, peers, newspaper reporters, championship trophies, career implications), competitors usually compete with a sense of contingency, pressure, and doing others’ work. When experienced in such a controlling way, competition decreases intrinsic motivation because competitors care relatively little about the task itself and relatively much about the reward of winning (Deci, Schwartz, Scheinman, & Ryan, 1981; Vallerand, Gauvin, & Halliwell, 1986). The point of the competition ceases to be about the game or sport but, instead, becomes about winning. Even when people win a high-pressure competition, they still show lower intrinsic motivation (Deci et al., 1981;

Reeve & Deci, 1996). However, when the social context places little emphasis on winning (recreational competition, no audience present, no trophy or scholarship for winning, an autonomy-supportive coach), then competition’s informational aspects (e.g., winning, improving, making progress) often become its relatively more salient aspect. Winning and making progress promote perceived competence and hence increase intrinsic motivation, while losing and the lack of progress undermine perceive competence and hence decrease intrinsic motivation (McAuley & Tammen, 1989; Reeve, Olson, & Cole, 1985). Even after a person loses in competition, intrinsic motivation can still be high if that person feels he or she performed competently (e.g., above a personal standard; Vansteenkiste &

Deci, 2003). Thus, for intrinsic motivation to flourish, both competence and autonomy must be high (Fisher, 1978), and for both competence and autonomy to be high, an external event needs to be presented in both a noncontrolling and informational way.

TYPES OF EXTRINSIC MOTIVATION

As shown in Figure 5.6, three distinct types of motivation exist: amotivation, extrinsic motivation, and intrinsic motivation (Deci & Ryan, 1985b, 1991; Rigby, Deci, Patrick, &

Ryan, 1992; Ryan & Deci, 2000a, 2000b). According to self-determination theory, these

Behavior

Figure 5.6 Self-Determination Continuum Showing Types of Motivation

Source: Ryan, R. M., & Deci, E. L. (2000a). Self-determination theory and the facilitation of intrinsic motivation, social development, and well-being. American Psychologist, 55, 68–78. Copyright 2000 by American Psychological Association. Reprinted by permission.

different types of motivation can be organized along a continuum of self-determination or perceived locus of causality. On the far lefthand side is amotivation, which liter-ally means “without motivation,” a state in which the person is neither intrinsicliter-ally nor extrinsically motivated (e.g., a dropout student, disillusioned athlete, or apathetic mar-riage partner). In the middle of the figure are four types of extrinsic motivation, which can be distinguished from one another on the basis of their degree of autonomy: external regulation (not at all autonomous), introjected regulation (somewhat autonomous), iden-tified regulation (mostly autonomous), and integrated regulation (fully autonomous). On the far righthand side, intrinsic motivation reflects the individual’s full endorsement of autonomy and reflects those occasions in which an activity generates spontaneous satis-factions from nurturing the person’s psychological needs. Overall, the self-determination continuum varies from amotivation or unwillingness, to passive compliance, to active personal commitment, to interest/enjoyment (Ryan & Deci, 2000a).

Identifying types of motivation is important because the amount of autonomy within any motivational state has a substantial effect on what people feel, think, and do (Gottfried, 1985; Grolnick & Ryan, 1987; Ryan & Connell, 1989; Vallerand et al., 1992). The more autonomous one’s motivation is, the more effort the person puts forth and the more they achieve (Ryan & Connell, 1989), and this is true when people try to lose weight (Williams, Grow, Freedman, Ryan, & Deci, 1996), try to recover in an alcohol-treatment program (Ryan, Plant, & O’Malley, 1995), try to experience intimacy within a relationship (Blais, Sabourin, Boucher, & Vallerand, 1990), try to adhere to exercise (Ryan et al., 1997), engage themselves in political participation (Koestner, Losier, Vallerand, & Carducci, 1996), and engage themselves in religious participation (Ryan, Rigby, & King, 1993). In each case, the type of motivation mattered, and the more autonomously endorsed it was the more positive were the person’s outcomes.

Types of Extrinsic Motivation 133 Table 5.2 Four Types of Extrinsic Motivation, Illustrated by Different Reasons

of “Why I Recycle”

Type of External Contingency The reason I

Extrinsic Motivation At Stake recycle is. . . Illustrative Quotation External Regulation Incentives,

consequences

“to get a consequence.” “I recycle to make 5 cents on each can.”

Introjected Regulation

Avoid guilt, boost self-esteem

“because I should.” “I recycle because I ought to, if I am going to

Integrated Regulation Value congruence “because it reflects my values.”

“I recycle because it reflects and expresses who I am and what I believe.”

Table 5.2 illustrates the four types of extrinsic motivation using the example of recy-cling (e.g., “Why do you recycle?”). As can be seen by the illustrative quotations, people engage in external regulation largely out of external compulsions and to gain an attractive incentive, consequence, or reward (i.e., no autonomy). People engage in introjected reg-ulation largely out of internal compulsions and to avoid internally controlling emotions such as guilt and shame (i.e., very little autonomy). However, people who engage in activities out of identified and integrated regulation do so largely because they want to and choose to (i.e., they act autonomously). That is, people engage in identified regula-tion because the activity at hand is seen as important or personally useful to them (i.e., high autonomy). People engage in integrated regulation because such behaviors reflect their sense of values and a sense of who they are —their sense of self (i.e., very high autonomy).

External Regulation

External regulation is the prototype of non-self-determined extrinsic motivation. Exter-nally regulated behaviors are performed to obtain a reward or to satisfy some external demand. For the person who is externally regulated, the presence versus absence of extrinsic motivators (e.g., rewards, threats) regulates the rise and fall of motivation. A person who is externally regulated typically has a difficult time beginning a task unless there is some external prompt to do so. A student, for instance, begins to study only when a test is coming up or begins to write a term paper only when the deadline nears.

Without the test or the deadline, the student lacks the motivation necessary to study or to write. Relative to the other three types of extrinsic motivation, people who are motivated through external regulation show poor functioning and poor outcomes (Deci & Ryan, 1987; Kohn, 1993; Ryan & Connell, 1989; Ryan & Deci, 2000a).

Introjected Regulation

Introjected regulation involves taking in, but not truly accepting or self-endorsing, other people’s demands to think, feel, or behave in a particular manner. Introjected regulation is essentially being motivated out of guilt and the “tyranny of the shoulds” (Horney, 1937).

In essence, the person, acting as a proxy for the external environment, emotionally rewards him- or herself for performing other-defined good behavior (feel proud) and emotionally punishes him- or herself for performing other-defined bad behavior (feel shamed or guilty). Therefore, partial internalization has occurred, but the internalization is kept at an arm’s length, so to speak, instead of being really integrated into the self in an authentic and volitional way. The telltale sign that only partial (rather than full) internalization has occurred is because the person feels such high tension and pressure in carrying out the introjected-motivated behavior (e.g., “I just have to study tonight!).

With introjected regulation, the person carries another person’s (or society’s) prescriptions inside his or her head to such an extent that the introjected voice, not the self per se, generates the motivation to act. Notice, however, that introjected regulation does include the changing of internal structures because the behavior is regulated not by explicit external contingencies but rather by internalized representations of those contingencies (i.e., a parent’s voice, cultural expectations).

Identified Regulation

Identified regulation represents mostly internalized and autonomous (or self-determined) extrinsic motivation. With identified regulation, the person voluntarily accepts the merits and utility of a belief or behavior because that way of thinking or behaving is seen as personally important or useful. Thus, if a student comes to believe that extra work in mathematics is important (e.g., it has utility for a career in science) or if an athlete comes to believe that extra practice on his or her backhand is important, the motivation to study and to practice are extrinsic but freely chosen. Extra work in mathematics or in tennis is extrinsic because these behaviors are instrumental to other aims (a career as a scientist, tennis pro), yet they are freely chosen because they are perceived to be useful and valuable for one’s life. Exercise and cooperation provide two additional examples of identified regulation. Many people exercise religiously and cooperate freely with others not because they enjoy jogging or sharing, but because they value what such behaviors can do for them and for their relationships with others. Because these ways of thinking and behaving are valued and deemed as personally important, people internalize/identify with them and, by internalizing them, these ways of thinking and behaving become self-determined.

Integrated Regulation

Integrated regulation constitutes the most autonomously endorsed type of extrinsic moti-vation. While internalization is the process of taking in a value or a way of behaving, integration is the process through which individuals fully transform their identified values and behaviors into the self (Ryan & Deci, 2000b). It is as much a developmental process as it is a type of motivation, because it involves the self-examination necessary to bring new ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving into an unconflicted congruence with the self’s preexisting ways of thinking, feeling, and behaving. That is, integration occurs as