ACCESO PERIMETRAL Y CANAL DE DERIVACIÓN

South Africa is the Southern-most country in the African continent. It is surrounded by the Atlantic Ocean on the Western side, and the Indian Ocean on the East, giving rise to a highly varied physical environment. South Africa is 1.2 million square kilometres in size and is divided into nine provinces, each with a unique geographical and socio- cultural profile (Gramfors et al 1996). The country shares international borders with Namibia, Botswana, Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Swaziland and surrounds the land- locked country Lesotho (See figure 2.1 for a map of South Africa). South Africa’s location and close proximity to other Southern African countries has resulted in a long history of international migratory movement that has influenced the varied demography of the country. Indeed, this migration to and within South Africa predates the drawing of the colonial boundaries that designated borders between the Southern African countries. Prior to colonial influence, tribal affiliations and nomadic movement extended across these later externally imposed borders (Feinstein 2005).

Figure 2.1 Map of South Africa showing provinces. Adapted from www.sageogs.org

The demographic composition of the South African population is diverse and, reflects these historic migratory flows. Out of a total population of 51.77 million (Statistics South Africa 2011), black African4 are the majority, making up 79.2% of the population (ibid), coloured and white groups each make up 8.9% of the total population and

Asian/Indian 2.5% (ibid). Broadly, the Black African demographic is descendant from four ancestral groupings: the Nguni, Sotho-Tswana, Tsonga and Venda. White South Africans mainly include people of Dutch, French, German and British descendants. Much of the Indian population descend from enslaved migrants from colonial India, and the coloured sector comprises people of mixed racial heritage (Feinstein 2005). It can be acknowledged, therefore, that the socio-cultural and demographic composition of the country is highly diverse, and formal recognition of eleven official languages reflects this.

4_{Race and racial categorisation remains a contentious issue in South Africa, and the term ‘race’ is a}

problematic construct. This thesis, however, adopts the official terms for racial categorisations as specified by Statistics South Africa (available at http://www.statssa.gov.za). This debate is discussed in further detail in chapter 3.

South Africa is a country with a complex political and socio-cultural history that has been categorized by conflict and discontent, within which black African residents have been subjected to ongoing situations of structural violence. Archaeological evidence demonstrates that South Africa was the location of some of the first discovered human settlements (Thompson 2001). From this it can be understood that the first recorded demographic group of South Africa was the Khoisan who lived in the Southern parts of the Cape (Vossen 1984). In the mid 17th Century, the first threat to the survival of this group arrived in the form of ninety Europeans from the Dutch East India Company led by Jan van Riebeeck. They landed at the Cape of Good Hope (now Cape Town) in order to build a fort and cultivate a vegetable garden for use by the crews of ships that stopped there on route to Asia (Feinstein 2005). This was the first European

colonization of the country.

Initially, the Dutch colonials and the indigenous Khoisan had a mutual trade-based relationship, but tensions developed due to cattle theft, the devastating consequences of imported diseases such as smallpox and the perceived threat to the Khoisan posed by the fast expanding Dutch population resident at the outpost (Marks 1972). In 1657, nine men from the outpost were allocated land to farm, and the first slaves imported to the area, which resulted in the construction of the first colony of South Africa, which increased in number to 250 people in 1662. The Dutch government encouraged immigration to the colony, and as a result, the Khoisan were forced by necessity of circumstance to work for the settlers, lost land, and were affected by imported diseases (ibid). Their ancestors became the later classified “coloured” population of the country.

The Dutch retained colonial rule over South Africa until 1795 when the British won control of the Cape colony in order to protect the only available sea route to Asia. Seven years later it was returned to Dutch rule, but in 1806, the British conquered the colony for the second time (Feinstein 2005). The British methods of governance caused

conflict with the Dutch settlers (Boer), and in 1834, the Boer began migrating (the

Great Trek (Afrikaans for journey)) to the interior of the country, away from the coast, in protest against and rejection of British rule. As a result of their migration inland, the Boer found themselves landless and without security or food. Consequently, they forcibly occupied tribal land for their own use and created conflict with the black Africans they displaced. The Boer later established the Transvaal and Orange Free State as independent states that were outside of British colonial governance (Giliomee 2003). These areas are today part of the Republic of South Africa but are still areas known for their strong Afrikaaner heritage.

During the same period of time, Shaka Zulu the prominent Zulu warrior and later King rose to power in the eastern area of the country. The British had stationed an outpost here, and were developing a colonial settlement (Hamilton 1989). The Zulu population had previously migrated to the area, as part of the Bantu Migration in about the ninth century. The Zulu came from parts of East and central Africa, and had, over the centuries gradually developed and expanded a Kingdom in part of what is now

KwaZulu-Natal province. Under the rule of Shaka Zulu, this Kingdom had expanded in size and power (ibid). The British came into conflict with the Zulus, as they wanted access to the Zulu people for labour purposes, and also wished to incorporate Zulu land into the colony through the development of a South African Federation. In 1879 the British eventually defeated the Zulus and gained both land and labour. After which black Africans of Zulu ethnic origin were subjected to ongoing human rights abuses and disadvantage, which had a knock on effect of disadvantage through generations

(Laband 1992).

This conflict was followed by the first Anglo-Boer War, which took place between 1880 and 1881, debatably in response to the aspirations of the fourth Earl of Carnarvon to form a confederation of all British colonies which conflicted with the Boer ideology

and resulted in an increasing opposition of the Boer to the methods of the British rule (Giliomee 2003). Again, the British were successful, and as a result, the Pretoria convention of 1881 and the London convention of 1884 were formed in an official peace treaty between the British and the Boer. This peaceful nation lasted for around a decade, after which the two countries were involved in a power struggle surrounding the attempted expansion of the Boer from the Orange Free State and the Transvaal into the more Northern areas of the country. As a result of this heightened state of conflict, the second Anglo-Boer war started in 1899, and culminated in 1902 (Giliomee 2003).

In 1910, the South Africa act was passed, and the union of South Africa established. The British proposed ideological compromise with the Boer, and as a result of

collaboration between the two nations, various acts were passed that paved the way for the later development and official implementation of the Apartheid laws, which were discriminatory against black African, Indian and Coloured people, and provided

foundation for the disadvantage and structural violence suffered by non-white residents of South African today (Lipton 1986). Key legislation included the Mines and Works Act (1911), which prohibited black African people from receiving skilled employment opportunities; The Natives Land Act (1923) regulated the acquisition of land by black African people; the Natives Affairs Act (1920) allowed for a system of traditional councils and chiefs, the Natives (urban areas) Act (1923) restricted the movement of black Africans between rural and urban areas and the 1936 Native’s Trust and Land Act (also known as the Bantu Trust and Land Act). Under this act, black Africans were relocated into zones called Bantustans and forced to live in these areas unless in possession of a work contract and a pass book that enabled them to move between the Bantustan and area of economic activity (Feinstein 2005). The passing of these acts, amongst others were the start of the separation of South Africans by race, and paved the way to the eventual, official implementation of Apartheid policy, and the subsequent structural violence created by racially discriminatory legislation.

The later, Apartheid (racially separate), living arrangements in South Africa stemmed from implementation of policies such as these described above, and the manifestation of racially separate living that was first promoted and implemented by the British in Cape Town in 1928. In the 1920s, Cape Town, which was under colonial rule, was rapidly expanding and becoming more affluent and prosperous. The colonial British ruling party made the decision to move indigenous people to a location outside of the growing colonial city to stem fears over the potential public health problems that could be caused by racial mixing (Lipton 1986).

Conflict and ideological clashes between the colonial British and Dutch continued and in 1948, the National Party came to power (the electorate being formed only of people classified as white). Initially the main aims of the party, led by DF Malan, were restriction of British influence to the country, and the restructure of immigration policies in order to restrict British migration to South Africa (Feinstein 2005). Malan put politicians of Afrikaner origin in prime political positions in the cabinet, and therefore ensured that Afrikaner ideology was dominant in parliament (Lipton 1986). As an election policy, Malan had coined the term “Apartheid” and once the national party was in government and restrictions were in place against the British, the party turned their attention to the implementation of the Apartheid laws that were to be discriminatory against black African, Indian and coloured residents, and resulted in the situations of disadvantage experienced, particularly by black African residents of South Africa to this day (Clark et al 2004).

The Apartheid ideology was enforced between 1948 and 1994. During this period, legislation strictly enforced the imposed “separateness” of living experienced by South Africans of different racial characteristics. According to the race classification act, it was required that all residents were assessed and consequently classified according to

their determined race. The criteria used to categorize an individual were complex, and consisted of a number of “pseudo-scientific tests” (Dubow 1992:214) that located an individual within one of four racial groups (black, white, Indian or coloured). Individuals had to undergo the classification process on an annual basis and were sometimes reclassified into a different racial group. Criteria used to determine the racial group of an individual included the curliness of hair determined by the pencil test and the size of the individual’s nose. Other criteria taken into account included racial classification of the individual’s friends and acquaintances, and languages spoken (ibid).

The racial group a person was assigned to would determine their future opportunities as well as their quality of life. The ‘black’ demographic were the lowest in the system, understood by some people to be of less value than dogs (May 2000). They had no formal representation in the national government. The ‘coloured’ (mixed-origin) and ‘Indian’ sectors of the population were also discriminated against, but in the latter years of Apartheid had a small representation in separate houses of national government and the ‘white’ population sector which comprised the governing party and was

acknowledged to be superior to all other demographic groups (Giliomee 2003).

The segregation of different racially designated groups dictated by Apartheid legislation was evident in all areas of life. For example, living areas for different racial groups were separate, with every town segregated into neighbourhoods categorized by race. “Black” residents had to adhere to a curfew and were severely punished if this was breached (Giliomee 2003). Public, recreational and shopping facilities were separated, with, for example, separate buses for “black” and “white” people and different

entrances and waiting areas in public buildings for people of different racial categorization (May 2000).

The country itself was divided by race into regions: there were four “white” provinces and nine Bantustans. Figure 2.2 demonstrates the location of these. Bantustans served as “dumping grounds” (Ngcobo 1990:43) for the unemployed, women and children, disabled and sick, whilst men were forced to move to the black urban areas when employment was available to them (May 2000). This system of enforced labour migration “destroy[ed] family life… [and] when our men moved to the cities, we lost our culture and our stability” (Ngcobo 1990:81). Later, this system also had negative repercussions for the health of the back African population of the country, as this Apartheid policy of forced labour migration is now understood to be a prominent cause of the spread of the HIV pandemic in the country, and the subsequent health-related inequalities characteristic of South Africa (Coffee et al 2007).

Bantustans, were known formerly as ‘homelands’ and recognized by South Africa as independent state, were controlled by tribal chiefs, who were government-appointed individuals from within the community. A chief ruled his Bantustan under the

regulations prescribed in the native affairs act of 1920. Chiefs have been described as “puppets of the regime” as they were in control of access to resources for the Bantustan and therefore were responsible for the quality of living of Bantustan residents (Ngcobo 1990: 205). However, not all chiefs were fair and governed honestly, and this meant that quality of living varied between regions. This inequality has contributed to the inequality present within racial groups in South Africa that is still evident today. Many tribal chiefs were also informants to the Apartheid regime, allegedly forced to report to officials about illegal behaviour within their area, resulting in the arrest of many Black Africans (May 2000). One such chief, famous for his divided loyalties was

Mangosutho Buthelezi. Buthelezi founded the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) and is still the leader and sits in opposition to the national ruling political party, the African National Congress (ANC). During Apartheid, he was chief of the KwaZulu Bantustan and notoriously opposed the anti-apartheid movement, because his livelihood and financial circumstances depended on the success of the regime. His seemingly divided loyalties led, in part, to the violence and unrest between his supporters and ANC supporters in the 1980s (Mare and Hamilton 1987).

Of particular relevance to this thesis, during Apartheid, “public health [was] used as a tool of oppression” (Lengwe Kunda and Tomaselli 2012:111). The quality of

healthcare services available to Black Africans was inferior to those accessed by white South Africans (Marks and Andersson 1987). Whilst Bantustans were equipped with clinics, these were poorly resourced and mostly staffed by nurses with elementary training only. Antenatal care was of poor quality, and many women died in childbirth (Ngcobo 1990). Very few black Africans were permitted to train as doctors, in order to seek employment in black African designated healthcare facilities and as such, quality

healthcare facilities were seldom available in black areas (Cook and Kalu 2008). Experimental regime policies focused on white population expansion, and black population restriction, which meant that many black women were victims of forced or coerced sterilization as well as other unauthorized medical procedures. These often occurred whilst they were giving birth at a Bantustan clinic (May 2000).

As a consequence of this discriminatory and divisive national legislation, Black Africans were born into situations of extreme disadvantage, and were “systematically deprived of their futures”, the effects of which are still evident today, as many, particularly, black African residents of the country are still affected by structural violence that has passed through generations (Ngcobo 1990:272).

The Apartheid era ended in 1994, after a political struggle between the African National Congress (ANC) and the National Party. The struggle was initially sparked by rebellion of the black working class categorized by township unrest and mine workers strikes throughout the 1940’s and 1950’s (Clark and Worger 2004). Protest occurred in response to escalating living costs, aggressive enforcement of pass laws, enforced education in the Afrikaans language and liquor laws and other commercially

discriminatory laws (Dubow 1992). Pass laws required Black Africans to carry identity documents with them at all times. These were used to control and restrict the

movement of “non-white” residents (ibid).

In 1960, at the Sharpeville massacre, 300 police opened fire on demonstrators, killed 69 and injured 189 involved in a protest against the carrying of passbooks. This galvanised the formation, in 1961, of the military wing of the ANC (Umkhonto weSizwe) (Gordin 2008). Umkhonto weSizwe operated “underground” and from exile for the duration of the struggle, raising the profile of the ideological clashes and influencing the

From the 1960’s, the mass politicization of Black Africans resulted in regular protests and demonstrations against aspects of the regime, until the release of Nelson Mandela from prison in 1990 and the initial negotiations for democracy which eventually resulted in a negotiated transition to democracy (Dubow 1992). This internal struggle took place alongside an international campaign involving economic sanctions and cultural and sporting boycotts. A democratic government was formed in the country and the Nobel Peace prize awarded jointly to Nelson Mandela, the incoming president for the ANC, and FW De Klerk, the outgoing president who worked together to

successfully negotiate the transition to democracy culminating with the first democratic elections in the country in 1994 (Clark and Worger 2004). International governments and global organisations heavily supported South Africa’s transition to democracy. However, the role of these external bodies within the transition process has been critiqued, particularly in terms of manipulation of new neo-liberal economic policies, which run counter to the historical ANC policies (Marais 2001).

Since 1994, the ANC has aimed to unite the historically racially segregated society of South Africa in the construction of the ‘Rainbow Nation’: a term coined by the anti- apartheid activist Archbishop Desmond Tutu. Now, attempts are being made to redress the structural violence and damage caused by the discriminatory policies implemented during Apartheid. Initially, this was formally achieved through the Reconstruction and Development Plan (RDP), Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) and initiatives such as land reclamation and Black Economic Empowerment policies (BEE) (Tangri 2008).

The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) was an initial economic and social development programme that aimed to provide infrastructure to previously disadvantaged communities in South Africa as part of stabilising and promoting

development in the new, post 1994 democracy. Major development initiatives within the RDP included housing supply, electricity and water services, roads development, healthcare, education, job creation, land reform and community building in

geographical areas of South Africa that were home to the black African population (Tangri 2008). The RDP was founded on the ANC (in coalition with the Communist Party) 1955 Freedom Charter and had great critical acclaim. This is due to the facilities and amenities it afforded communities, as well as homes and services for predominantly black African South Africans from previously disadvantaged backgrounds (May 2000).