Un acercamiento a la historia de las técnicas para conocer los elementos

Introduction

-psychological research into Southern and Western paradigms. In the Southern philosophy analyses informed by social constructionism feature rather than positivist experimental studies, and Kaupapa

is explored as an outstanding and prominent example of a Southern methodology. This is followed by examples of the work of discursive researchers in

influence of local context and culture in its maintenance and reproduction. The overwhelming majority of these studies are shown to analyse perpetrator talk and text

gap informs the rationale leading to the current study, the aims of which are then presented.

Western or Southern?

The analysis of Western studies and epistemologies in the previous chapter included an exegesis of the historical progression of methodology from a reductive social science

and the postmodern contextual awareness inspired by social constructionism. As a Western nation, Aotearoa NZ can be considered as situated within and influenced by these understandings. Connell (2007) however provides an interesting and slightly divergent construction. She groups then defines theoretical research areas in broad dered Eurocentric, the product of European and Northern American scholarship, and still hallmarked by enduring positivist abstract theory aimed at producing simulated universal findings. Historical contexts such as colonialism and power imbalances are rega

psychological, social, cultural, and economic understandings. It is marginalised by Northern theory, which enjoys the privilege of claiming scientific irrefutability. -positions Aotearoa NZ researchers away from European and Northern American scholarship, instead aligning them with social psychologists who have explored the results of economic and cultural dominance in Africa, India, Latin America, and Australia. Australia, a close neighbour with some historic similarities, offers race theorists such as Mellor (2003, 2004) who provides qualita

view positions Aotearoa NZ alongside Australian rather than European researchers, which adds an intriguing facet when investigating the methodology chosen by Aotearoa NZ researchers in this field. Work by discursive analysts informed by social

attention and credence give by social psychologists and researchers to an alternative Aotearoa NZ indigenous epistemology in which knowledge is gained through using . The support for the use of this alternative and decolonising methodology is inherent in the Treaty of Waitangi which affirms equal

analyse existing methodologies and challenge them if they are not fruitful, harmonious, or acknowledging and respecting the dual importance of the bicultural setting.

Graham Hingangaroa Smith (1990) is credited with initially identifying six main

research frameworks set up under the auspices of Western thought and assumption. The first of these is Tino Rangatiratanga,

atleast have access to formulating, assessing and approving the study, and to control of the results. The second is Taonga Tuku Iho, or the principle of cultural aspiration. This

knowledge in the research process. In the third principle, , the emphasis is on acknowledging research methods that are inherent, unique, and preferred by or

tick box schedules.

The fourth principle or socio-economic

mediation, establishes that the research must be of benefit to people, and acknowledges the importance of It negates historical precedents in which research typically compared

out of colonization (Cram, 1997). The fifth principle of , or extended family structure, decolonizes by challenging a tendency in Western research to isolate participants from other people who are part of the also often neglected context.

iety and culture, the importance of relationships, not only between extended family members but also those in groups (Metge, 1995) and that formed between researcher, the researched, and the research itself. The researcher is required to recognize, respect and nurture all these relationships. , or the principle of growing respectful relationships, was described by Pohatu (2004) as focussing on building relationships by understanding reciprocity, giving energy to planning, to establishing safe boundaries and spaces, to being respectful, reflexive, and disciplined. In the sixth principle,Kaupapa, again the Western notion of one person working alone is quashed. This principle of collective philosophy encompasses the meaning of collective purpose and collective vision, and goes beyond the supposedly finite limit of the topic of research to include the aspirations of the

tical theory (Pihama, 2001) as a common theme in analyses is the examination of unequal power relations and the concealing of oppression, with an emphasis on positive social change. It is highly esteemed as appropriate for and germane to all research rela

1993, 1997; Kerr, Penney, Moewaka Barnes & McCreanor, 2010; Pihama, 2001). Its principles are observed and noted throughout the methodology of this study.

Southern discursive studies

Discursive analysts in Australia and Aotearoa NZ used their methodology to explore the function and power of language as employed by the majority group in media, talk and text. It was found that specific linguistic patterns were being used to establish social positioning and to reinforce the status quo of a colonial power structure.

In Australia, discursive analysts in the tradition of Wetherell and Potter (1992) examined subtle modern day constructions of racism against Aboriginal Australians, with attention to a context of historical colonisation, violence against Aboriginals and ongoing marginalisation (Riggs & Augoustinos, 2005). Augoustinos, Tuffin and Rapley (1999) found a divisive linguistic strategy which also privileged the majority culture: only Aboriginals who had succeeded financially while adopting the standards of the dominant European culture were constructed favorably (Augoustinos, Tuffin, & Sale, 1999). The analysis of every day talk regarding Aboriginal people provided several

neoliberal rhetoric, and positive discrimination pronounced discriminatory

advanced, and Indigenous culture as primitive and in need of assimilation. Wrongs committed in the process of colonisation were unable to be righted, and consequently they could be constructed as irrelevant in modern society. An exploration of the rhetoric of reconciliation (Riggs & Augoustinos, 2005) similarly pointed to euphemistic constructions of historical atrocities.

historical and socio political contexts form the basis for understanding, and provide the substructure for contemporary racist practices (McCreanor, 1997). This background

language, economics, systems of justice and social mores were overtaken and subsumed, annihilated or at best marginalised, by Europeans whose culture was markedly different and was to become powerfully established. Mitigating this, the

address historical grievances. For most New Zealanders, the Treaty symbolises the

& Liu, 2004); however, racist practices continue to challenge researchers in their responsibilities (Tuffin, 2008). This challenge was heightened by the development of modern, symbolic or subtle racism, in which racism was implied rather than overtly stated or enacted, and was therefore less easy to examine. A key strength of discursive research and other social constructionism research, is the ability to explore and identify the dynamics of talk and text which can recreate and perpetuate discriminatory themes while at the same time appearing non-racist and egalitarian (Tuffin, 2008), and these methodologies became prominently employed.

A seminal work conducted by Wetherell and Potter (1992), explored

text concerning . Their work was based on the premise that concepts such as nationhood, race and culture were not singular or universal, but subject to context, politics and history. They aimed to demonstrate that the descriptive methods used to form these constructions also had the power to create unique ontologies in which the related ideologies and social theory were justified and accepted. They examined data analysed

constructed by the action orientation of their language. They showed that despite the

established at settlement, by employing discourses which reproduced British colonial ideology and power inequality. They explored two main themes found in the fluid use of linguistic resources employed to subtly control these difficult areas.

for example, by virtue of h

constructed in two ways. One, it was presented as a valued historic heritage, a national treasure frozen in time, which pragmatically had little political relevance today. Two, it was constructed

floundering weakly due to the loss of ancient cultural identity, which they needed to return to in order to function more positively. The function of these constructions was to culture, being outdated, was obviously unsuited for present day

governance.

(Tuffin, Praat, & Frewin, 2004).

or symbolic racism, the language used was devoid of obviously racist utterances, for

using taken for granted discourses which were hard to fault; it included every day, rhetorically self-sufficient common sense phrases such as it would be unrealistic to turn back the clock, one must live in the present, we today cannot be blamed for past injustices. Neo-liberal rhetoric invoked notions of fair play, equal opportunity and individual responsibility. Aotearoa NZ was constructed as an egalitarian society in which all New Zealanders had an equal chance of succeeding, and structural racism did not exist. This cohesive set of socially acceptable beliefs drew not on racist declarations, but on recognised principles of individual freedom to choose and succeed, and responsible morality. Those who did not flourish in this system were innately or deliberately deficient, and therefore less deserving of power or ownership (Tuffin et al., , and promoted a reasonable

leadership potential, but could also be approved, which sanctioned the speech as non-

The need for biculturalism was discounted in the togetherness discourse, in which the emphasis was on breaking down barriers, and living together as one people in peace.

positioned as disturbers of peace and destroyers of goodwill throughout the country.

The British colonisation of New Zealand(1837). The

predominantly physical rather than intellectual, bodily powerful but childlike. The d

ori would become Europeanised and improved.

suitable for Europeanisation: honesty, cleanliness, European morality, and intelligence.

Nairn and McCreanor (1991) and McCreanor, (1993a) identified similarly functioning

. This version of events, rhetorically strong and robust, and widely used, was largely unquestioned, to the extent that alternative stories would not be spoken or heard. McCreanor uncovered and collated commonly used examples of the rhetorical devices and showed how they were deployed to reproduce the status quo, an Aotearoa NZ society in which British colonial values had

closed system of discourses and supporting rhetorical devices which not only self-sanctioned but also successfully defied alternative arguments. His research in the area (1989, 1993a, 1993b, 1997) identified a number of discourses, as shown below.

In the discourse which constructs Aotearoa NZ

the current imbalance is seen as the result of a fair fight in the wars of the 19th to have once displaced the Mori Ori. The Treaty of Waitangi, although symbolic of biculturalism, is a historical artefact bearing little relevance to the present day. Mutual

coo

inept socially, and have inherent negative character traits. McCreanor (1997) termed thi

t

culture is depicted as primitive, and complex ignored.

use their culture for therapy, keeping it separate from political and social significance.

repertoire, argues that all people in Aotearoa NZ are New Zealanders, and should be treated the same. This seemingly egalitarian rhetoric implies unity under an overall

one people

this discourse are constructed as creating racial disharmony.

lack of information. In a discourse of sensitivity, the argument is closed by the notion r sensitive.

Researchers have given particular attention to the role of media in producing and reproducing these discourses, working from the standard story rather than challenging i to be trivialised, vilified, and positive achievements under-represented, representations which

i are physical

(McGregor & Te Awa, 1996). The under-

sidelined (Rankine & McCreanor, 2004). Analysis of other media reports showed a cha

texts such as parliamentary speeches (Kendall, Tuffin, & Frewin, 2005) and other media reports (Hokowhitu, 2003) also was shown to undermine biculturalism and minimise

In the health sector, studies by Kerr, Penney, Moewaka Barnes & McCreanor (2010, 20

explaining their decisions. They failed to appreciate the important supportive roles of

whanau in information uptake, and chose to remain uninformed regarding cultural differences in a manner which could be categorised as discrimination or racism against Mäori. Mäori non-compliance or lack of response was constructed as ambivalence around health issues, fatalism, lack of long-term vision and even wilful self- destructiveness, thus attributing blame to the Mäori patient. The impact of racism in this area was seen to create pathways to crucial repercussions for Mäori in terms of morbidity rates and life expectancy.

The corpus of discursive studies focussing on talk and text in media and everyday life is a large body of work which informs on the power of everyday language when deployed to maintain colonial power structures and continue the marginalization of indigenous people. A smaller number of studies spotlights the impact of racism on indigenous

are interviewed and their experience and meaning making validated, reflected on and represented in academic findings. The next section looks at studies in Australia and Aotearoa NZ in the area of impact, and personal experience and response.

Southern studies of indigenous targets of racism: impact and response

Australia, a close neighbour of Aotearoa NZ, has a contextually similar history of colonisation and continuing marginalisation of its Indigenous Aboriginal people, and the considerable inequalities that exist between Indigenous and non-Aboriginal

Australians, notably in the areas of education, employment, socio-economic status and health, are typical of indigenous people in other colonised countries worldwide (IDF, 2015). Of these areas, concern regarding health disparities has prompted the most research

expectancy is 10 and 12 years lower than non-Aboriginal Australians, their levels of mental distress and mental ill health significantly higher (Australian Institute of Health and Welfare, 2009) and they also report experiencing a high prevalence of racism (Paradies, Harris & Anderson, 2008; Ziersch, Gallaher, Baum & Bentley, 2011). In one study concerning health disparities, Ziersch et al investigated the ways in which racism affected health and wellbeing for Aboriginal people living in an urban environment. In face-to-face interviews Aboriginal Australian participants were asked about their experience of and responses to racism, and their perception of the impact of this on their health. They responded by giving accounts of old-fashioned overt racism rather than subtle modern racism, and their reactions to these incidents. Using thematic analysis, a number of key elements were identified: emotional and physiological reactions, ignoring, minimising or avoiding racism, countering the effects with alcohol, tobacco or drugs, gaining support from social networks, and confrontation. A strong theme noted

Mellor (2003) and Paradies and Cunningham (2009) also noted that in contrast to the construction of modern racism as subtle, indigenous Aboriginal Australians described it as interpersonal, overt and offensive, with ethnophaulisms and obvious racist intent. Mellor (2003) argued that social scientists and researchers had assumed the subtlety of modern racism too quickly, and that this misconception may have been instrumental in camouflaging and preserving social institutions in which overt racism was still taking place. The notion of diminishing racism was attributed to political correctness which did

s of, for example, overt examples such as police harassment and bias in sentencing.

Mellor (2004) encountered more accounts of overt racism in a study on psycho-social response, in which he thematically analysed semi structured interviews conducted with 34 Indigenous Aboriginal Australians. Three main response themes were demonstrated. The first broad theme or category was the defending of the self, with subthemes

including acceptance, avoidance, escape, the use of alcohol or drugs, reinterpretation of events, and the use of support from friends and family. It also included denial of Aboriginal markers, attempts to excel, and efforts to give their children the strength to withstand racist incidents. The second main theme of controlled responses listed subthemes of ignoring the perpetrator, suppressing urges to respond violently, and imagining responses. In the third theme of confronting the racism, participants spoke of asserting their rights and their Koori identity, contesting the racism and educating the perpetrator. This involved taking control, using external authorities such as police where this was possible, and less commonly, seeking revenge. The wide range of responses s perspective.

In another Southern area (Connell, 2007) Merino, Mellor, Saiz, & Qilaqueo, (2009) noted the dearth of research into the personal accounts of the indigenous Mapuche of Chile, and conducted interviews which were later thematically analysed. It was found that participants constructed racism as prevalent, historic and enduring and psychologically wounding, producing shame, powerlessness, and anger, and some long term negative effects. Their responses also followed three main themes in a similar

control, and confrontation. Sub themes included ethnic pride and again similarly, the use of positive support from within the Indigenous community to help combat the impact of the racism.

In Aotearoa NZ, as in Australia, shocking and unjustifiable health disparities provoked the most studies highlighting the negative influence of racism on health at many levels, studies made more urgent because illogically, these disparities had become accepted

health inequities it was found that racism was a key factor (Harris, Cormack & Stanley, -

non-

perceive and rate their ethnicity, were two themes identified as consistent with an understanding of racism as a health determinant. Racism in its many forms and contexts

adversely effect health were cited (Kearns, Moewaka-Barnes & McCreanor, 2009). as relating to the marginalization integral to colonization: socio economic deprivation, social trauma, inadequate health care, and illegal or harmful substances, all resonated with the ongoing effects of marginalisation. The historical routes by which these factors became extant and negative impacts on health, were the pathways of belittlement or attempted destruction

management, politics, philosophical mores, human relations and spirituality during colonisation (Kearns, Moewaka-Barnes & McCreanor, 2009).

been explained in studies which examine the current impacts of systemic, personally mediated and int

system

than were non- (Harris et al, 2006),

2000; McCreanor & Nairn, 2002b; Mcleod et al 2004). Jones, Crengle and McCreanor (2006) conducted a thematic analysis of individual interviews with a national sample of -depth life-story accounts which underscored the existence of racism and discrimination in both institutional and interpersonal healthcare settings.

Kahungungu affiliations conducted a thematic analysis of 28 75

was often negative. Cultural ignorance or misunderstanding by the doctor often led to a lack of rapport or communication between doctor and patient, for example, where doctors were unaware of the barrier of

(shame, embarrassment) being compounded by lack of rapport, and resulting in patients not being able to visit the doctor or explain their symptoms. Some participants perceived that there was no cultural awareness by the doctors of the need for the , or to grow respectful relationships while treating the patient. Neither was there any understanding of the importance of the spiritual side, or

wairua

cultural understanding was therefore shown to (Johnstone & Read, 2000).

The influence of racism however affects all areas of life and its impacts compound with the interaction (see Figure 1: The interactive effects of racism). Studies have been

conducted of the existence of

impact of racism on mental and physical health (Nairn et al., 2006), bias in the justice system (Workman, 2011), in education (Bennet, 2002) and the compromising of identity (Te Hiwi, 2008). The majority of these and other studies have however been conducted from the perspective of an observer and the results in most cases reflect the ideas of non- For some researchers, it has become essential therefore to scrutinize