algunas aproximaciones teóricas desde la praxis
5. Procesos de cambio, estrategias frente a las crisis y aprendizajes en las iniciativas de Economía Social
5.2. Adecuación de los modelos de organización a las condiciones de cada momento
because of less modern transport 2
Total 9
Grand Total b7
... After the death of my father I became the head of the family. I became obliged to take care of everything, the family property and the family members. 1 had to look after my m other, younger brothers and sisters as well as the wives and children of two other brothers living abroad.
Although there were many problems associated with com m uting, he had no intention of returning to D haka city. The extended family system and family obligations compelled certain respondents to become com m uters rath e r th an m igrants. Another familial reason for not m igrating mentioned by com m uters was to m ain tain contact with relatives. One respondent cited t h a t com m uting not only provided the op p o rtu nity to visit his elderly relatives living in rural areas surrounding Munshiganj tow n, but the chance to take p a rt in family discussions (for example, the negotiation of marriage of one of his nieces) which gave him great satisfaction. Some elderly comm uters mentioned t h a t living in Munshiganj town was beneficial for them because friends and relatives provided assistance in arranging marriages of their grown-up dependants. The opportunity to leave spouses and offspring with the other family members was also cited as a great advantage by commuters.
Economic reasons surpass familial reasons for comm uting rath e r th an migrating. Several com m uters noted the higher living expenses in D haka city, and others cited higher costs relative to their low income. Some comm uters specifically mentioned higher house rent in D h ak a as compared with t h a t in M unshiganj. For example, according to one commuter:
The rent of the house where I am living [in Munshiganj] will be a t least 1500 T a k a per m onth [in Dhaka], which is beyond my capacity. Therefore, 1 decided to comm ute. I myself could undergo the trouble of com m uting w ith out s p e n d in g . such an a m o un t of money [to rent a house]. Even if 1 spend abo u t 500 T a k a per m onth [for commuting], it saves a t least 1000 T a k a to spend for the family ... 1 am the only earning member of the family and I m ust think about my family’s expenses.
A nother com m uter and his wife sum up the situation, nicely:
Commuter: I agreed to suffer physically (troubles of everyday t rave I).
Wife: If we objected, the whole family would suffer; we are now used to it.
F u rtherm ore, some comm uters lived in either their own house or in p arental homes which would be inherited. The op p ortunity to live in a parental house n o t only reduced their financial expenses to rent a house bu t provided the chance to m aintain their birth rig ht. One respondent, though citing the high cost of living in the city as reason for comm uting, also revealed t h a t following the death of his father, a sister’s husband tried to occupy his fath e r’s property. He decided to return to Munshiganj from Dhaka with his family to claim his birthright.
M unshiganj is a small town, of around 11 square kilometers, surrounded by villages in which agriculture is the dom inant activity. A m ajority of the families in the town have access to agricultural lands. They might not be directly involved with cultivation b u t they can get foodstuffs from these properties. Possession of land (p are n ta l/o w n ) in adjacent rural areas usually yields a deal of assistance in the m aintenance of their families by providing a variety of foodstuffs th ro u gho u t the year.
For one interviewed com m uter, com m uting provided a supplim entary source of income; in D h a k a city he coached a football team.
Com m uters, from Munshigfij town, are concerned about several social and environmental facilities in the town as compared with Dhaka city. For example, the s ta n d a rd of living, costs and difficulties of children’s education. Problem s of schooling are seen as "mental pressure for parents". Due to high population density in the city, schools have heavy enrolments and the competition for admission is severe. In m any cases children can gain admission only to schools far from their place of residence. T ranspo rtatio n then becomes a problem because of the lack of a public, or a regular alternative, tra n sp o rt system for school children; and not a negligible a m o u n t of money m ust be outlayed for their daily tra n s p o rt. C o m m u ters expressed concern also about road accidents, which they need not think a b o u t in Munshiganj town. In short, respondents felt secure abou t leaving wives and children with relatives in Munshiganj town and com m uting to, instead of residing in, the city.
Some com m uters mentioned t h a t the quiet and uncrowded town environm ent a tt r a c t s them more than the busy, crowded capital. One com m uter said he was unwilling to stay with unknown persons in Dhaka. Lack of comm unal sup po rt in D h aka was also mentioned by a comm uter. So, desire to com m ute rath e r t h a n to m igrate is m ade because of the presence, in Munshiganj town, of friends and relatives who share "common values and beliefs". Considerations of circulation in the Third World context, identified by C hapm an and Prothero (1983:589) can be \ applied to c o m m uting from Munshiganj town:
On the one hand is the security associated with the home or n atal place through access to land and other local resources for food, housing m aterials and trading items; through kinship affiliation; through the presence of children and the elderly; and through common values and beliefs. There are, on the other hand, the locationally more widely spread opportunities and associated risks involving local political and religious leaders; kinsfolk; marriageable partners; items for exchange or trade; ceremonials and feasts; and the introduced goods and services of wage employment, commerce, medicine, eduction, religion, politics and entertainm ent.
All comm uters interviewed are males. There are female commuters; I met several on trips to Dhaka. Most worked in Narayanganj; a few in Dhaka. On the oth er hand, a female m ig ran t respondent, previously a com m uter to Dhaka, gave reasons against commuting:
... To com m ute I would have to s ta r t very early in the morning to catch the 6.30 launch ... [to go to Narayanganj first and then by bus to go to Dhaka]. It created problems for my parents and other sisters [making breakfast, for example]. Moreover, I have to face trouble both physically and financially for such travel. ... I decided to stay in Dhaka.
4 .2 F a m i l y P a r t i c i p a t i o n in C o m m u t i n g D e c i s i o n - M a k i n g
Five com m uters were previously m igrants. Comparing their previous migration decisions with their com m uting decisions, it is seen t h a t the influence of the family in the m igration decision is stronger at early than later stages of life. Three of these five com m uters were less th an twenty-five years of age a t the time of first migration; and they m igrated singly. During the process leading to the migration decision, family members exerted a great deal of influence (Table 4-3).
When they later decided to comm ute, none discussed the m a tte r with the family - neither the parental family nor members of the family of m arriage - though three discussed it with their wives (Table 4-3). Evidence of less
T a b l e 4-3: Process of decision-making of five com m uters who were migrants P r e v i o u s M i g r a t i o n L a t e r Commuting D e c i s i o n D e c i s i o n No d i s c u s s i o n w i t h f a m i 1y members D i s c u s s i o n s w i t h members of p a r e n t a l f ami I y ( 2 ) and d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h members of t he f a m i l y of m a r r i a g e No d i s c u s s i o n w i t h f a m i l y members D i s c u s s i o n s w i t h w i f e 1 2 2 2 3
(Number of commut ers)
involvement of the family in the comm uting decision process was indicated by these previous m igrants. One said t h a t a t the tim e of his first m igration in 1976, he had to discuss the m a tte r several times with his father, father-in-law and brother-in-law. In 1981, when he decided to commute, he discussed the m a t te r only with his wife. The influence of other members of the family gradually decreased with the advancem ent of his life. The same is the case for other comm uters. Involvement of the family is greater in migration decision-making th an in com m uting decision making. However, the fundam ental concern of both com m uters and m igrants is to
maximise family well-being. It appears the decision to com m ute from Munshiganj town is likely to take place a t a later stage of life, because when decision to com m ute was made ten out of twelve comm uters were more th a n 30 years of age. Reasons for com m uting decision are both economic and social, which might be usefully related to hypothesis of Davies and Pickles (1985:214):
... due to developing conservatism t h a t progressively m oderates mobility due to life-cycle changes. ... they may be a ttrib u te d to a learning phenomenon, with the ability to realistically assess the m erits and drawbacks of moving to alternative accommodation increasing with age.
4 .3 C o n c lu sio n
. a.
Com m uting from Munshiganj town may be characterized as follows:
( 1 ) t h e d e c i s i o n t o commute i s l i k e l y t o be an aut onomous o n e , t hough r e l a t e d t o f a m i l y o b l i g a t i o n s ;
( 2 ) m a x i m i z a t i o n o f f a m i l y e c o n o mi c g a i n and m i n i m i z a t i o n of c o s t a r e i n c e n t i v e s f o r c ommut i ng;
( 3 ) t h e f a m i l y o f p r o c r e a t i o n i s more i n v o l v e d i n t h e d e c i s i o n t o commute t ha n t h e p a r e n t a l f a m i l y ;
( 4 ) c ommut ers a r e more l i k e l y m a l e s t han f e m a l e s ; and ( 5 ) t he d e c i s i o n t o commute i s more l i k e l y t o be t a k e n at
CHAPTER 5