ADHERENCIA EN PACIENTES CON TRASTORNOS DEPRESIVOS Y EN USO DE DROGAS ILÍCITAS

The IMPerative verb affix (4.5.7.1.1) in Diyari has two phonemic forms (one in Dhirari (see 4.5.7.1.1 and Austin (1976)) depending upon the shape of the root to which it is attached. The following list shows the alternations:

PARTICIPIAL IMPERATIVE 1. 'to run' m i n d r ina m i n d r i y a 2. 'to play' p i r k i n a p i r k i y a 3. 'to dig' p a k u n a p a k u y a

4. 'to go' w a p a n a w a p a

5. 'to return' £ i k a n a t i ka

In this and following rules morpheme boundaries are signified by r , ; t * .. * i -1. - >

There are at least three solutions which could be formulated to account for the alternation:

a) set up the underlying form of the IMP affix as -ya and have a rule which deletes morpheme initial /y/ after stem final /a/. We would also need a contraction rule to shorten / a a / to / a / after deletion has occurred.

b) set up the underlying form of the IMP affix as - a and have a rule which inserts /y/ between - a and the stem final high vowels. A further rule of contraction (of / a a / to / a / ) would also be needed.

c) have two separate allomorphs for IMP, namely -ya (after / i/ and /u/) and -0 (after /a/).

Solution (a) will be problematic because of the existence of the PAST tense affix with invariable shape -ya (see 4.5.7.1.1). Solution (c) also seems to claim that there is no symmetry to be deserved here and that the allomorphs are unrelated. Solution (b) enables us to set up a single underlying form and have regular phonological rules which apply to it. These rules will be:

0 y / a

a + a -> a

The alternations observed for the singular common noun ERGative case affix (4.2.4.2) and EXCLAMatory clitics (5.4.9) will also be dealt with by

these rules if we set the underlying forms up as -a Ii and -ayi (and -awu) respectively.

3.4.3 Trisyllable Stems and Cases

Singular common nouns in Diyari which have trisyllabic stems show a difference in the final vowel between the ABSolutive (4.2.4.2) and

all other case forms. These words have a final high vowel / i/ or /u/ in

the ABSolutive but a low vowel /a/ in all other case forms. Consider

the following examples:

ABSolutive LOCative SourCE

1. 'father’ p a p i r i p a p i r a n i Q a p i r a n d r u

2. ’mud ’ p u l j u r u p u l j U r a n i p u j j U r a n d r u

3. ’m a n ’ m a t a r i m a t a r a n i m a t a r a n d r u

4. ’old m a n ’ p i n a r u p i n a r a n i p i n a r a n d r u

These alternations can be accounted for by taking the ABS as the underlying form and having a neutralization rule (Trubetzkoy (1969))

which applies to inflected forms. This rule can be formulated as (note

that it only applies to nominal stems):

#[CV(C)CV(C)C____ ] NOM

If we allow it to apply vacuously (Chomsky and Halle (1968)) to /a/ then it may be rewritten as:

V a / # [ C V ( C ) C V ( C ) C _ _ ] N0M +

The neutralization rule interacts with the glide insertion rule for ERG

a) with tri-syllables ending in /u/ the neutralization rule

applies before glide insertion as shown by the following forms:

ABS ERG

1. ' m u d ' pu IjUru pu IjUra 1 i * p u jjUf uya 1 i 2. ' o l d man' p i n a r u p i n a r a 1 i * p i n a f u y a 1i

**i.

b) with tri-syllables ending in / i/ the neutralization rule applies optionally giving rise to two alternants for ERG:

ABS ERG

1. ' f a t h e r ' p a p i r i p a p i r a 1 i ~ p a p i r i y a 1 i 2. ' m a n ' m a t a r i m a ^ a r a I i ~ m a t a r i y a 1i

3.4.4 CAUSE

The causative verbalizing affix ( 5 . 1 . 1 0 . 3 ) has the basic form - p a n k a - . In fast speech the initial velar nasal of CAUSEmay be elided, giving

rise to a long low vowel when the stem to which CAUSE is added ends in - a . Consider the following examples:

Morphemes Slow Speech Fast Speech 1 . 'sleep-CAUS' m u k a - p a n k a [ m u k A p A n k A ] [ m u k A : n k A ] 2 . 'dead-CAUS' n a r i - p a n k a [ n A r i p A n k A ] [ n A r i A n k A ] 3 . 'blind-CAUS' p u t j U - p a n k a [ p u c J u p A n k A ] i — i < c < = 3 < "u 13 O - i_ _ i

3.4.5 Reduplication

The semantic effects of reduplication are described at 4.2.10 (for nominals) and 4.5.2 (for verbs).

Phonologically, reduplication involves the repetition of the first CV(C)CV element of the unreduplicated form. That is:

becomes _{Cl V C2)C3V2Cl V C2)C3 V C4)C5-'}

Examples illustrating this are:

Stem Reduplicated stem

1. ’ woman' w i J,a w i J[aw i J,a 2 . ’ boy1 k a n k u k a n k u k a n k u 3 . ’old man' p i n a r u p i n a p i n a r u 4 . ’father' p a p i r i p a p i p a p i r i 5 . ’bird type' J i 1 p a r k u ^ i 1 patj i 1 p a r k u 7 . ’cat fish' p a n k a n t i p a n k a p a n k a n t i

Reduplicated stems show that:

a) the final vowel deletion rule set up for i initial morphemes (see 3.4.1) operates before reduplication. So, for example, we find:

Reduplicated f o r m

e m e r g e — PROL' d u n k a - i p a_{• •} d u n k i d u n k i p a n o t * d u n k a d u n k i p a s a v e — A L T ’ k u 1k a - i p a ku 1 k i ku 1 k i pa n o t * ku 1 k a k u | k i pa

b) as far as stress assignment is concerned (see 3.6) there is a word boundary between the stem and its reduplicated element. Thus, reduplicated forms are stressed on both in the statement above.