Rostros de la guerra y la Paz
130 ] Por el agujero de la memoria construyendo PAZ
Described by Turville-Petre as ‘the finest Icelandic poem of its age’ for both its technical and aesthetic qualities, Gamli kanóki’s mid-twelfth-century
composition Harmsól is the oldest of the didactic or homiletic poems in this study.207 This 65-stanza drápa in dróttkvætt metre has a strong penitential theme, as indicated in its name, which translated means ‘Sun of Sorrow’. As a drápa, the poem’s symmetrical structure consists of a 16-stanza upphaf, a 25- stanza stefjabálkr divided equally between two stefs, and a 20-stanza slœmr.208 The upphaf begins with the poet’s request for God’s help, as well as for the attention and silence of the audience, in stanzas 1 through 5. Gamli kanóki continues with a focus on human inadequacy subtly structured around the Confiteor in stanzas 7 to 16, and specifically addresses the poet’s own spiritual shortcomings.209 The dual purposes of Harmsól, to praise Christ and to exhort readers to repentance, are united in the poem’s stefjabálkr, which recounts Christ’s life beginning with the Nativity and culminating in the Second Coming and Last Judgement. More specifically, the content of the stefjabálkr includes a narrative of Christ’s life from the Nativity to the Crucifixion, particularly focussing on the penitent thief and meditating at the foot of the Cross with simple diction and austere descriptions in stanzas 21 to 27; the Resurrection and Ascension in stanzas 28 and 29; and a promise of the Second Coming and Judgement in stanzas 31 to 40, which includes descriptions of both punishments and rewards in store for humanity at that time in stanzas 38 to 40.210 Gamli kanóki concludes the stefjabálkr by urgently imploring his audience to seek immediate penitence in stanzas 41 to 46. The poem’s slœmr in stanzas 47 to 65 begins with three exemplary biblical figures who were penitent and sought reconciliation with God: King David (stanzas 48-9), St Peter (stanzas 50-1) and Mary Magdalene (stanza 52). The slœmr concludes in stanzas 53 through 65 with the poet
207 Turville-Petre 1953: 162.
208 The first stef in the stejabálkr occurs at stanzas 20, 25, and 30, and the second stef occurs
at stanzas 35, 40, and 45.
209 Attwood 2007: 70.
asking Christ and Mary for mercy and mediation on behalf of both humanity and Gamli himself, as well as with a final request for the audience to pray for the author’s soul. As Attwood observes, Harmsól can be read as ‘a versified sermon, in which the narrator urges his systkin ‘brothers and sisters’ to
repentance.’211 Ultimately, this poem is designed to cultivate a penitent spirit, making the reader receptive to the mercy Christ extends to everyone in the poem’s closing stanzas.
There are several tantalising linguistic and thematic similarities between Harmsól and Christian skaldic poems such as Einarr Skúlason’s Geisli, Leiðarvísan, and other works classified as liturgical, homiletic, hagiographic, and hymnodic, although Attwood has observed that there are no traceable direct sources.212 The presence of numerous and varied kennings for God demonstrates Gamli’s skill as a skald and reveals ‘an intimate appreciation of the power and beauty of the weather’ as an Icelandic literary quality in the midst of representing biblical figures.213 In the process of drawing together Christian literary precedents with influences from Norse culture, the author of Harmsól has blended a variety of traditions and experiences to produce a transformed retelling of Christ’s life, with nuances to Christ’s representation that merit careful consideration.
Harmsól survives on fols 12r-13v of the c. 1400 manuscript AM 757 a 4o (B) and is attributed to Gamli kanóki, who is named in a marginal note on l. 42 of 12r: Harmsol er gamle orti kanoke ‘Harmsól, which canon Gamli
composed’.214 Gamli’s name also appears in the prose text preceding Jóns saga postula, where he is credited with composing the second drápa to St John in Þykkvabœr. The prose introduction to the four stanzas of Gamli’s Jónsdrápa in Jóns saga postula reveals that he was Gamli kanunk austr í Þykkvabœ ‘canon Gamli in the east at Þykkvabœr’, which effectively locates the poem’s composition in Iceland.215 Based on the monastery’s founding date and the 211 Attwood 2007: 70. 212 Attwood 2007: 71. 213 Attwood 2007: 71.
214 Translation from Attwood 2007: 70.
215 Jón4 1874: 510. According to Steinunn Kristjánsdóttir, Inger Larsson, and Per Arvid Åsen
description of Gamli as bróðir in the fourth stanza, which could imply his role as canon, we may speculate that he lived around the mid- to late-twelfth
century.216 This places the composition date both for Jónsdrápa and Harmsól not long after Einarr Skúlason’s Geisli in the mid-twelfth century, a speculative date that is explored further in the paragraph that follows. Though we have some sense of the author’s identity and role in society, the original audience remains more of a mystery, with possibilities including a cloistered community or laypeople more generally.217
Both Skard and Attwood have observed that Harmsól is part of an interconnected group of twelfth-century drápur that share dictional and structural parallels, the others being Einarr Skúlason’s Geisli, Plácitusdrápa, and Leiðarvísan.218 It is difficult to say when these poems were composed in relation to one another, and there are only a few scant details that allow for approximate dating: these include the dating of AM 673 b 4o – one of the earliest surviving Icelandic manuscripts and the only one to include
Plácitusdrápa – to c. 1200 by Louis-Jensen, and Geisli’s composition date of around 1153.219 Finnur Jónsson has also suggested a c. 1200 or a late-twelfth- century date for Harmsól based on the coexistence of ór- and ár- forms in words like vára in stanzas 18, 21, and 57, and the tjalds : alla rhyme in stanza 65.220 In any case, a twelfth-century dating for Harmsól is generally accepted.
Since AM 757 a 4o (B) is badly damaged and difficult to read in its present state, modern editions rely on a combination of this manuscript, transcriptions, and editions of the poem. One such alternative resource, Brynjólfur Snorrason’s transcript in Lbs 444 4ox (444x), is the bundle of working papers for Sveinbjörn Egilsson’s 1844 printed edition of the four Christian poems; another is Jón
assumed to have belonged to either the Augustinian or the Benedictine orders’; thus, Gamli likely operated within one of these orders.
216 Haki Antonsson 2012: 92.
217 Haki Antonsson 2012: 93. Cf. Attwood 2005: 53 and Berg 2010: 44-46.
218 Skard 1953 and Attwood 1996b. Though Plácitusdrápa shares an important connection with
poems in this thesis, and certainly merits further scholarly attention, there is not enough space in this thesis to properly focus on all relevant poems. As previously addressed in the
Introduction to this thesis, I have chosen the five poems that appear here as helpful examples of the changing portrayal of Christ over the course of Christian skaldic verse.
219 Attwood 2007: 71. Cf. Louis-Jensen 1998: 89. For further details about dating Geisli, see the
poem’s introduction in chapter two.
Sigurðsson’s transcription in JS 399a-b 4ox, which is based on the 444x
transcription.221 In both cases, Sveinbjörn Egilsson has heavily annotated these transcriptions and thus contributed substantially to our understanding of the poem. In the way of other versions of the text, there are notes by Sveinbjörn Egilsson in 444x in which he works out a prose arrangement for the text; a transcription of B with annotated speculative reconstructions by Rydberg in 1907; a transcription by Finnur Jónsson in Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning that relies heavily on Rydberg; and folios 1 to 26 of the clean print copy for Sveinbjörn Egilsson’s 1844 edition in Lbs 1152 8ox (1152x).222
Sveinbjörn Egilsson produced the first modern edition of Harmsól in Fjøgur gømul kvæði as a teaching text for the Latin School at Bessastaðir, drawing from 444x and 399a-bx.223 Hjalmar Kempff’s edition from 1867 is based on Sveinbjörn’s printed edition, as well as his interpretations in the Lexicon
poeticum antiquae linguae septentrionalis (1860). A diplomatic transcription of Harmsól appears in Rydberg’s 1907 doctoral dissertation, and there are also editions by Finnur Jónsson in Den norsk-islandske skjaldedigtning and by E. A. Kock in Den norsk-isländska skaldediktningen. The most recent editions of Harmsól include Elizabeth Black’s annotated diplomatic transcription in her Oxford BLitt dissertation;224 Katrina Attwood’s annotated diplomatic transcription of B and a normalised edition in her doctoral thesis;225 and Attwood’s 2007 edition for Poetry on Christian Subjects, which serves as the basis for stanzas quoted in this thesis.226
From the very start of the poem, Gamli kanóki underlines humanity’s need for salvation through Christ, as a source both of spiritual healing and legal representation. Stanza 1 begins with the poet’s request that God open up for him hlið óðborgar góðu heilli ‘the gate of the poetry-stronghold with good fortune’, explaining that he considers God’s words the bót miska ‘remedy for misdeeds’ and thereby associates humanity’s misdeeds with disease, injury, 221 Attwood 1996a: 32-3. 222 Attwood 2007: 72. 223 Sveinbjörn Egilsson 1844: 1-34. 224 Black 1971.
225 Attwood 1996a: 83-102 (diplomatic transcription) and 222-302 (normalised edition).
and death.227 In stanza 2 he laments that no man can find maklig orð ‘sufficient words’ to praise God, and asks that God send His hreinan anda ‘pure spirit’ in stanza 3, þanns of fœri heðan munar grand mitt ‘the one which may take from this place my injury of mind’.228 Gamli then beseeches God in stanza 4 for hollrar miskunnar ok eirar ‘wholesome grace and clemency’, explaining in stanza 5 that Christ commands all men at tína ǫll lýti sín með iðran fyr lærðum mǫnnum ‘to recount all their sins with repentance before scholarly men (clergy)’ because He promises sannri líkn ok syknu fyr vás ok galla ‘true relief and
acquittal for fatigue and destruction’. These opening stanzas make clear that humanity is not only diseased by sinfulness, but also lacks a case for their own righteousness. It is only through Christ that His followers might be healed and reconciled with God, and these concepts serve as an important basis for Christ’s defining characteristics throughout the rest of the poem.
Due to its penitential nature, Harmsól frequently makes use of legal terminology to characterise Christ and His relationship with humanity. A number of stanzas focus on the importance of good counsel, as well as the primacy of those who are tasked to know and proclaim the law. One such mention of counsel appears in reference to the Second Coming in stanza 6, where the speaker warns that ósǫgð hætt róð … koma upp fyr allri skepnu á øfsta dómi, ‘all unconfessed, perilous counsels ... will be revealed at the Last Judgement’.
Oss verðr ey, nema þessum aldr várn boðum haldim (menn búisk mǫrgu sinni) meiri ógn (við þeiri),
hver þvít hætt rǫ́ð bǫrva hljóms á øfsta dómi
upp fyr allri skepnu ósǫgð koma lǫgðis. (Harmsól 6) Our terror will ever grow, unless we keep these commands [during] our lifetime (let men prepare for this many a time), since all unconfessed, perilous counsels of the trees of the tune of the sword will come up before all creation at the Last Judgement.
227 For bót ‘remedy’ ‘compensation’, or ‘atonement’, see LEI 2000: 415; SnE 249; and the entry
in ADIP. According to ADIP, bót can also refer to ‘weregild’ when stated in the plural.
228 Though hreinn is used in this particular instance to describe the Holy Spirit, this adjective
was used to describe Christ from as early as the eleventh century in stanza 27 of Hallfreðr vandræðaskáld Óttarsson’s Erfidrápa Óláfs Tryggvasonar.
trees of the tune of the sword: warriors
The first helmingr warns that our ógn, meaning ‘terror’ or ‘threat’, will grow if we do not keep God’s boðum ‘commands’ during our lifetime.229 The meaning of boð varies according to context, though in this case it specifically means ‘commandment’.230 The urgency of the command is observable in the term’s metaphorical meaning, which is based on its legal usage: ‘a summons, being an arrow, axe, or the like sent to call people to battle or council’, which symbolised both the haste with which action should be taken and the punishment that awaits for those who do not comply.231 God’s commandments can thus be understood as a call to action by the One to whom humanity is beholden;
negligence of this call and obligation will result in punishment. The frequent use of boð in Harmsól indicates that this poet understood Christ’s relationship with humanity in part as a kinship bond with legal implications, as might be observed in relationships between an Icelandic goði and and his þingmenn.
The second helmingr follows this train of thought as the poet beseeches his audience to prepare themselves in life, since ósǫgð hætt rǫ́ð ‘unconfessed, perilous counsels’ of men will be made known at the efsta dómi ‘Last
Judgement’. The word dómr, meaning ‘judgement’, appears frequently
throughout the Christian skaldic corpus in reference to the Last Judgement, and likewise ráð frequently identifies various types of ‘counsel’ in Christian skaldic poetry.232 Good counsel in Old Norse literary culture encompasses the qualities of wisdom and leadership, while poor counsel is not only foolish but also
profoundly dangerous as it could result in unfavourable rulings or even needless bloodshed through unresolved feuding. Drawing influence from this familiar Icelandic cultural value, the poet presents a dichotomy between God’s boð ‘commands’ or good counsels, and the hætt rǫ́ð ‘perilous counsels’ of sinfulness, thus emphasising the importance of preparing for the Last
229 For ógn, see LP 443; and SnE 1998: 367.
230 For boð, see entry in ADIP; LP 55; and SnE 1998: 248. Notably, boð only occurs in Harmsól
6, 8, 38; and Lilja 14, among the Christian skaldic poems.
231 Entry for boð in ADIP and IED 71.
232 For dómr, see LEI 2006: 270; SnE 1998: 257; entry in ADIP; and LP 82. For ráð, see LEI
Judgement. Christ is not only perceived as Judge, but also humanity’s best source for wise counsel and reconciliation with God.
Drawing from a similar lament in Psalm XXIV.7, Gamli turns his attention on his own sinfulness in stanza 7, where he admits that he turned his back on Christ inwardly þás illt ráð villti mik ‘when evil counsel led my heart astray’.233 The phrase illt ráð or ‘evil counsel’ is used here to describe the sin and
ignorance of his youth, which he subsequently rectifies by returning to Christ. He explains in stanza 8 that his ófríð verk ‘ugly works’ as a younger man went against God’s blíðum boð ‘pleasing commands’, which led to his spiritual fruitlessness: barkat bráðgǫrt blóm á verkum ‘I did not bear quickly-ripened blooms on account of my works’.234 The lack of ripened fruit relates to the concept of sinfulness as disease and injury, but also opens up interpretations of Christ as Nourisher in an agrarian setting. In stanza 9 the poet laments that he hratat í allan þann dauða ‘fell into the total death’ of a sinful soul, explaining in stanza 10 that he has unnit þunglig sœri ‘sworn heavy oaths’ and corrupted himself and others through bragging. He further admits in stanza 11 that he is guilty of judging others for sins of which he himself is guilty.
Gamli continues to lament his personal failings, turning in stanza 12 to his taking of Communion in the midst of sinfulness. He laments his uncleanness and, though undeserving, beseeches Christ for help. In the process of asking for assistance, he also presents heaven in nautical terms and Christ as the Captain of a ship, details that add to His characterisation as Warrior Chieftain in new and intriguing ways.
Bergðak brjósti saurgu (byrjar hlunns) sem munni, (hreins) ok holdi Þínu (huggóðr Jǫfurr) blóði. Þó sék, Þengill skýja þrifskjótr (meginljótir
hagir sýnask mér mínir margir) þar til bjargar. (Harmsól 12)235
233 Psalm XXIV. 7: delicta iuventutis meae et ignorantias meas ne memineris. Secundum
misericordiam tuam memento mei tu, propter bonitatem tuam. Domine (Vulg 2011, Psalm
XXIV.7) ‘the sins of my youth and my ignorances do not remember. According to thy mercy remember thou me, for thy goodness’ sake, O Lord’ (Vulg 2011, Psalm XXIV.7). Cf. Attwood 2007: 79.
234 I have modified Attwood’s edition of the Old Norse text so that its word forms accord with my
sentence’s grammar.
235 I have modified Attwood’s edition of the Old Norse text by using brackets instead of commas
I tasted, with an unclean heart and mouth (merciful Chief
of the launching-roller of the fair sailing wind) Your body and blood. Nevertheless, O prosperity-swift Captain of the clouds, (many of my affairs seem to me extremely ugly) I look there for help.
‘launching-roller of the fair sailing wind’: ship of heaven, whose Prince is Christ Harmsól 12 contains one of the earliest examples of seafaring imagery associated with Christ in extant Christian skaldic verse, with a more oblique reference already observed in my analysis of Geisli 57 from chapter two. Christ is identified as Jǫfurr ‘Chief’, specifically Jǫfurr hlunns hreins byrjar ‘Chief of the launching-roller of the fair sailing wind’.236 The somewhat odd description of heaven as hlunnr, a term used symbolically for a ship in poetic contexts, specifically refers to either a roller or a wooden plank used for launching
ships.237 Despite this highly technical meaning, the poet’s intended portrayal of heaven as a ship remains clear. Add to this byrr ‘fair sailing wind’, which ‘always denotes the wind on the sea’, and the maritime themes become even more apparent.238 The Christ-kenning þrifskjótr Þengill skýja ‘prosperity-swift Captain of the clouds’ similarly evokes the image of ship swiftly travelling across the sea, with Christ setting the course at its helm. Exclusively a poetic term, þengill
refers to the ‘captain of a þing’, ‘a king’, or ‘prince’, and thus adds to the perception of Christ not only as a King, but also as a Captain guiding His followers safely through the tempestuous seas of sinfulness in this world. Overall, the stanza presents Christ in a sustaining role both through the sacrament of Communion and acting as Guide and Protector.
The image of the Church as a ship first appeared in the work of Tertullian (c. AD 160-c. 220), andmedieval Christian literature such as the poetry of Venantius Fortunatus describes Christ as the Captain of a ship navigating the treacherous seas of sin to salvation.239 Despite its reliance on ships for
236 For jǫfurr ‘king’ or ‘warrior’, see LP 329; and SnE 1998: 331.
237 For hlunnr, see LP: 264; SnE 1998: 313; and entry in ADIP.
238 For byrr, see SnE 1998: 254; and the entry in ADIP.
239 Marchand 1976: 238-50. Cf. Haki Antonsson 2012: 119; and Evans 1964: 29. For more
information about ship symbolism, particularly in Christian literature, see Lehmann 1936-7, Schnier 1951, Herder 1972, Judson 1964, and Russell 1983. For a discussion of ship imagery in Old Norse literature, see Cucina 2010.
resources and connections to other cultures, the historical context of medieval Iceland has surprisingly little relevance to seafaring. Miller describes the society of Commonwealth Iceland as ‘pastoral and agricultural, not maritime’, relying on ships from the Continent for vital resources and cultural influence.240 Norwegian traders, who owned and captained the ships between Iceland and the Continent during the period of Harmsól’s composition, largely controlled Icelandic
commerce and travel to and from the Continent. Consequently, Iceland saw ships as their lifeline and link to Continental Europe. Navigation through the treacherous seas of sinfulness also fits well with the dangers of travelling to and from Iceland, where the sea ‘was not considered to be navigable by ordinary