Ampliar la estrategia en el combate a la delincuencia organizada

The secondary nature of the Adposition category has been long noted (e.g. Vendryes 1925:164-5), and its universality strongly called into doubt by the demonstration of its diachronic connection to relator noun and serial verb constructions (Givón 1979, Mallinson and Blake 1981:388-9, Heine and Reh 1984:241-4, Starosta 1985, Bybee 1988, Aristar 1991, DeLancey 1994, Harris 17 Barker's transcription of a comma in this sentence

implies that sqel'am'c'as is an afterthought. Note that it is still in object case.

2000). Still, even in languages like Chinese or Akan, where characteristic adpositional functions are carried out by a set of more-or-less grammaticalized verbs, there are typically a few members of the set that are so thoroughly grammaticalized that they can no longer be categorized as verbs, and might as well be considered to represent a distinct category of prepositions.

And the fact that a category may regularly draw new recruits from other categories is not by itself an argument that the category cannot be universal.

Just so as to lay this particular issue to rest, I want to describe a language--Klamath--which simply lacks the category altogether, and carries out the typical adpositional functions by quite different means. The primary function typically associated with adpositions--specification of location or path--is expressed in Klamath by a set of "locative-directive stems", which occur in what have been called "bipartite" complex verb stems (DeLancey 1991, 1996, 1999, to appear).¹⁸ The most numerous type of bipartite stem, and the one relevant to our present concerns, consists of a lexical "prefix" and a locative-directive stem (LDS):¹⁹

34) on top in water underneath

living object: ksawal- ksew-

ksodiil-round object: lawal- lew-

lodiil-long object: ?awal- ?ew-

?odiil-In stems of this type the lexical prefix is a classifying element referring to a category of object; the final element, the LDS, describes a motion, location or path of that object.

These stems are indifferently stative, eventive intransitive, or transitive, according to context; thus ex. (35) could refer to a dog sitting in water, running into the water, or being given a bath:

35) wac'aak ?a ks-ew-a

18 There is a number of languages of this general type in western North America (DeLancey 1996, 1997, see also Talmy 1972, Jacobsen 1980, Langdon 1990); I don't know whether any of them show evidence of a distinct adpositional category.

19 In Talmy's (1985) analysis of the isomorphic structure in the nearby Hokan language Atsugewi, the "lexical prefix" is an initial verb stem which lexicalizes the shape of a THEME, and the LDS's are

called satellites. The differences between this and the

bipartite stem analysis are irrelevant to the present argument.

dog IND living.obj-in.water-INDIC 'dog is/goes/is put in(to) water'

When the clause has a distinct NP corresponding to the path or location indicated by the LDS, this is marked with the locative case suffix |dat|:²⁰

36) coy honk naanok Gees cewam'c- am then DEM.OBJ all ipos Old Antelope-GEN

?i-Gog- a mna-tant y'agi- dat pl.-in.container-INDIC 3sPOSS-OBL.LOC basket-LOC

'Then [she] put all Antelope's ipos into her basket.' (Gatschet XXX)

37) s?as?abam'c qtan- a ks-elwy-ank Old.Grizzly sleep-IND living.obj.-by.fire-HAVING loloqs-dat

fire-LOC

'Old Grizzly slept, lying by the fire.' (Gatschet XXX) In the English glosses for these examples, the prepositions into and by encode both the abstract relational concept LOCATION and more specific lexical information describing the precise spatial relation predicated between the THEME and the LOCATION. In Klamath, LOCATION is expressed by the case suffix {dat}, and the lexical information (not, obviously, exactly the same as that expressed by any particular English word) in the LDS.

I have argued above against the identification of the comitative marker dola as an adposition. That aside, unless one wants to start grabbing odd particles at random in order to find content for an a priori category, there are simply no plausible candidates in the language for adposition status. Of the functional categories commonly expressed by adpositions, benefactive is indicated by an LDS. In ex. (38), the benefactive suffix {oy}, here surfacing as -ii-, adds a benefactive argument to the verb (note the object marking on tobaks 'man's sister'):

38) coy mna tobaksa slambli:ya coy mna tobaks -a sla_n-ebli-i: -a then 3sPOSS man's.sister-OBJ mat -back-BEN-IND 20 The underlined |d| in Barker's morphophonemic

representation indicates an underlying /d/ which assimilates to any preceding consonant.

Naykst'ant loloqs.

Nay -ksi-t -y'e:n'-t loloGs beside-LOC-LOC-NOMZ -LOC fire

'[He] laid down a bed for his sister on one side of the fire ...' (Barker 1963b 4:15)

Instrumental, like locative, is marked with a case suffix, and also in some cases by "instrumental prefixes"²¹ in the verb. In (39), the instrumental prefix s- 'sharp instrument' provides some information about the nature of the instrument, while -tga marks the instrumental noun 'knife':

39) hohasdapga deqiistga RE -s_e -s -dV -obg-a deqiis-tga DIST-REFL-sharp.inst-hit-DUR-IND knife-INST '[They] stabbed one another with knives.'

At least in this area of the grammar the difference between Klamath and more familiar languages like English does not necessarily reflect any fundamental difference in the conceptualization of motion and location. The difference seems to be essentially typological. The Klamath LDS and the English preposition category are in many ways quite comparable, in terms of semantic function and range, numbers, and degree of openness of the class. The essential difference between the languages is that in English--a "configurational" language if ever there was one--these forms form a constituent with the NP which is their semantic argument, while in the quasi-polysynthetic²² Klamath they incorporate in the verb.

21 As suggested by Talmy (1985), these morphemes--at least in Atsugewi and Klamath--are probably not shape classifiers of instrumental arguments, as sometimes assumed, but action

classifiers reflecting a characteristic type of motion. In a non-mechanical technology the use of particular types of

implement will be characteristically associated with particular body movements. Even so, this category of verbal element does provide information about the instrument, in the same way that LDS's do about the LOCATION.

22 North American languages show a strong tendency to

combine a great deal of grammatical material with the verb in a single phonological word, which we may take as a (thoroughly informal) definition of a polysynthetic language. Klamath is polysynthetic by this definition, though not by others.