Past studies of fertility in Ghana have estimated the total fertility rate to be between 6.9 and 7.0 for the period 1962 to 1971 (Gaisie, 1981:238). Like other national populations elsewhere in Africa, there have been no definite signs of fertility decline in Ghana. Persistent high fertility in African countries cannot be explained solely by poverty or limited mortality decline; nor can it be explained entirely by a failure to experiment with national family planning programs, although the limited number of such programs is one of the main causes (Caldwell and Caldwell, 1985:1; Caldwell, Oruboloye and Caldwell, 1992:2-5).
Persistent high fertility is deeply rooted in religion which also permeates other social institutions. The importance of the relationship between religion and fertility lies not only in children being gifts of God (Gaisie, 1973:104), and in prolificacy being proof of approval and blessing from God (Mbiti, 1970:59; Gaisie, 1971; Molnos, 1973:8; Caldwell and Caldwell, 1985:11- 12), but also in high fertility being a religious duty to a lineage and to its ancestors. It is the religious duty of offspring not only to perpetuate the lineage through prolific childbearing, but also to perform other duties such as pouring libation, perpetuating the memory of the ancestors by naming their own children after them, and performing the prescribed mortuary and funeral rites for their parents when they die, thus ensuring that their spirits do not remain restless or fade away. A child is also required to honour and respect his parents, to put their wishes before his own, and to support and cherish them in old age quite irrespective of their treatment of him (Caldwell and Caldwell, 1985:9). Because children are gifts of God and are bestowed on those who merit the blessing and approval of God and the
ancestors, traditionally, it is considered irreverent to take action such as delaying m arriage or resorting to contraception and abortion to m oderate one's fertility. M oderation of fertility through postpartum sexual abstinence and prolonged breastfeeding is practised only for purposes of childspacing and to protect the health of m other and child. The religious requirem ents of filial piety and perpetuation of the family nam e and lineage extend to social and economic expectations. C hildren are expected to provide dom estic services at home, ru n errands, w ork on the family farm and to also provide
econom ic and social su p p o rt to their parents. The m aterial and social
advantages of children m akes the dem and for children and reproductive perform ance very high. The sep aratio n of reproductive decision-m aking and the cost of childrearing m eans that the costs of childrearing w ere not being borne solely and directly by fathers, even though they receive m aterial benefits from their children th ro u g h o u t their lives (Caldw ell, O ruboloye and Caldwell, 1992:4).
The dem and for high fertility is reflected in early and universal m arriage. The m ean age at m arriage in Ghana is betw een 18 and 19 years, and by 25 years of age, over 95 per cent of the female population is already m arried. P o ly g y n y and w id o w re m a rria g e e n su re the m ax im izatio n of the reproductive pool of w om en (N ukunya, 1975:338). In recent years there have been socioeconom ic changes such as the ex p an sio n of form al
education for fem ales, rapid u rb an izatio n , expansion of form al sector
em ploym ent for bo th m ales and fem ales, in terreg io n al m ig ratio n and exposure to m odernizing influences through the m edia of radio, television
and new spapers. This may affect the w ay trad itio n al stru ctu res have
Exposure and conversion to Christianity through formal education and residence in urban areas have contributed to the acquisition of new values which may be at variance with traditional values, as have erosion of traditional structures and control through separation from the traditional environment as a result of migration to urban areas to seek formal education or employment (Oppong, 1977:331-340). In addition, growing unanimity and economic independence may also change the locus of authority and decision-making in social situations that may affect marriage and reproduction. In particular, a move away from dependence on traditionally-held lineage land for farming or for domestic use may also weaken the leverage which traditional elders may have on the young, and hence on their reproductive behaviour. The impact of these changes will of course vary across social and economic groups, and fertility levels and trends may therefore be expected to vary across socioeconomic groups. With the added concentration of family planning services in large urban areas, especially in the regional capitals, a further influence of socioeconomic factors on fertility is anticipated. If there are changes in fertility, they will be reflected in changes and differentials in birth intervals, especially in the quantum and tempo of fertility.