Análisis de datos

An important aspect of well-being in older age is that of material resources (Victor, 2005). In general, older people’s incomes are often below that of younger cohorts and older populations are among the most vulnerable to poverty in all societies around the world (O’Rand, Issacs, & Roth, 2010). Results from international studies show that despite older peoples relatively low levels of income (Hansen, Slagsvold, Moum, 2008), they appear to experience lower levels of hardship than expected (Berthoud, Blekesaune, & Hancock, 2009). In New Zealand, those over the age of 65 living in the community similarly have modest levels of income (Carter & Gunasekara, 2012; Fergusson, et al., 2001), yet they also appear to have relatively high levels of living standards. This standard actually increases as one ages, with those over 80 years of age having the highest living standards of all age groups (Jensen, et al., 2006; Perry, 2009). This finding reflects the relationship between socioeconomic status and health; those who live longer tend to have had greater resources over their lifetime.

Consequently, living standards are not only related to income, and other variables are needed to understand this trend (Stephens, et al., 2010). Older New Zealander’s experience considerably lower deprivation rates than most other European countries (Perry, 2009). There are many reasons for these reasonably high levels of living standards. New Zealand’s superannuation scheme differs from most other countries in that it provides a universal flat rate pension to all permanent residents over 65 years. The flat rate means that the amount of income that pensioners receive is not based on what they earned during their working lives. The amount is only dependent on pensioners living arrangements and partnership status (Fergusson, et al., 2001). This scheme has enabled a relatively low rate of hardship for older people and has also assisted some older people to actually increase their income when they reach 65 years (Stephens, et al., 2010).

Private provisions also contribute to the low level of hardship (Jensen, et al., 2006; Perry, 2009). In addition, many older people in New

Zealand own their own homes and therefore have relatively low housing costs (Stephens, et al., 2010). Three quarters of the population sampled

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for the 2001 Living Standards for Older Adult’s survey were spending less than $30 a week on accommodation costs (Fergusson, et al., 2001). In addition, state housing initiatives between the 1940s and 1960s enabled many people from low and modest income families, who would otherwise not have been financially able, to own their own home (Dupuis & Thorns, 1996). As a result of these pension and housing provisions, in the 2004 New Zealand Living Standards survey, only eight percent of older New Zealanders reported living in some form of hardship.

There may also be a cohort effect involved in the apparent high standards of living, in that people born more recently experience more deprivation, at any age, than those born longer ago (Berthoud, et al., 2009). Or, it could be the result of a period effect (Victor, 2005). Each cohort lives through a unique section of historical time. As society changes, people in different cohort’s age in different ways (Vincent, 1995). This theory acknowledges generational experience. Therefore, it may be that this current group of older people, who have struggled through world wars, the great depression, and/or its aftermath, may need less income and resources to achieve higher levels of living standards, or are more resourceful with the conditions they experience. This idea therefore acknowledges resilience resources developed over the life time of older people (Staudinger, Marsiske, & Blates, 1993). There is also evidence that older people may adjust their expectations downwards as they age so that no matter what level of income they have, it is considered sufficient for their needs (Hansen, et al., 2008; Hazelrigg & Hardy, 1997). Therefore it may be older people’s

experiences and coping strategies which accounts for the low level of deprivation within this group.

There could also be a self-report bias involved. It may be that older people are less likely to report disadvantage when asked, therefore distorting the accuracy of these reports of relative hardship. In a study by Breheny & Stephens (2010) the authors found that most older people reported their standards of living as good or comfortable even though their sample consisted of people who scores placed them in what would be considered the lower end of living standards. Studies have shown that people will report positive well-being even though their

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circumstances are poor (Baltes & Smith, 2003). Similarly, older people are more likely to say that an item is unwanted rather than that they cannot afford it (McKay, 2004). This finding indicates that older people are more unwilling to report disadvantage and financial strain. Similarly, authors have suggested that it may be difficult to know from self-reports whether older people’s living standards are in fact higher or whether older people just have lower expectations (McKay, 2004).

Conclusions

Inequalities pervade society and influence many aspects of people’s lives, including access to health, education, employment, as well as influencing the material resources available to people and their

standards of living. Studies have shown that living standards matter to older people and their ability to ‘age well’. Therefore, there is real importance in investigating what older people value in daily life in order to age well, within the context of the material circumstances they find themselves in. It is important to shift the focus from older people who are individually responsible for success in ageing, to the social context in which they reside (Robertson, 1997).

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