Changes in social organization throughout the period considered were shaped by four intersecting processes: (i) The establishment of the ejido structure and its implications on the land tenure system, (ii) the creation of producer groups, (iii) the gradual emergence of communal decision-making (cf. Figure 2.1b), and (iv) an increasing social cohesion.
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Land tenure system
In response to official land access under ejido law, the community developed local land tenure, to allow more households access to land. These arrangements included: (1) land in long-term use became locally regarded as full ownership, (2) land-use rights and land
“owned” became separable, (3) both land and land-use rights became tradable, and (4) pobladores and other people without legal rights to land were allowed to buy land and/or land-use rights. Where officially only ejidatarios had access to land, land became accessible to any member of the community. In 2010, 60% of officially landless (pobladores) owned land (Figure 2.2a). Land distribution grew more unequal between 1980, 1995 and 2010. In 2010, 10% of households jointly owned 40% of the land. However, locally developed land tenure arrangements seemed to have dampened the growing inequality (Figure 2.2b).
Figure 2.2: a) Individual landholdings (ha) plotted against age of ejidatarios and pobladores; b) Land distribution equality in three characteristic moments in time with equal time intervals (1980, 1995 and 2010), and a calculated land distribution curve based on 2010 without land holdings obtained through local land tenure arrangements. Data were based on a 50% sample of all registered household heads (N=151) collected in 2010 in Tierra y Libertad.
As a result of the changes in National land tenure in 1992, PROCEDE initiated land mapping activities in the mid-1990s. However, these land mapping activities were never finalized. Nonetheless, PROCEDE changed the documents that showed the location of the parcels held in long-term use by the ejidatarios, for documents with merely a percentage of the ejido territory that could be used by the ejidatario. Parcels were no longer identified on these documents. Several farmers mentioned that they were confused and worried about this change. Nonetheless, locally developed land tenure arrangements continued to be respected.
Chapter 2
33 Producer groups
Since 1980, groups of farmers jointly developed so-called producer groups. These producer groups were commonly based on and focused towards the management of a particular land-use type and the production and/or sale of the associated products. Objectives, rules, regulations, goals, criteria for membership differed strongly among groups. In 1980 and 1985, the first producer groups were established to obtain livestock credits, which were only available to groups of farmers. These groups were developed to obtain credits for livestock production, which were only available to groups of farmers. Farmers in these groups collaborated in livestock management and in repaying the credits. After one or two years credits were paid off, and these groups fell apart. Collaboration of livestock management also stopped. The development of these first livestock producer groups initiated large-scale land-use change (Figure 2.3a; 2.3b). In the early 1990s, producer groups for coffee and maize production were initiated to apply for governmental subsidy schemes which were only available through a community-based application. In 2003, a producer group for livestock was established for the same reason. Members of the coffee, maize and livestock producer groups only collaborated in the application and distribution of the benefits of the respective subsidy schemes. Only farmers that were already involved in the respective land-use were allowed to apply within the first application for the subsidy. The establishment of these subsidy-based producer groups was not reflected in land-use changes (Figure 2.3a; 2.3b).
In 1997, 2000 and 2005, producer groups for palm cultivation were initiated. The first two palm groups were initiated and financed by the local municipality through a project to establish alternative production systems based on cultivation of palm and dissolved soon after establishment. The third group emerged from the community and was supported by the NGO and was more persistent. The cultivation of palm was a new activity started by one local farmer in the early 1990s, while other farmers were not interested. When the first project started in 1997, there was no legal permission to sell palm leaves from reserve grounds. Consequently, farmers were not interested in the cultivation of palm and only participated in the project for the initial wage labor to establish a palm nursery. Once the nursery was established and wage labor stopped, the group fell apart. After 2000, a few farmers had started palm cultivation with young palm seedlings from the nursery in the forested parts of their landholdings. In 2005, a new producer group for palm cultivation was developed with the help of the NGO Pronatura-sur A.C.. The reserve supported the project through partially funding the project. Farmers could join the producer group irrespective of palm cultivation activities, if they were committed to participate according
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to rules and regulations developed by the group. Group members collaborated in the seedlings preparation in the nursery and post-harvest and sales activities. Farmers participated in workshops on cultivation practices for palm, but managed and harvested palm individually. As a result, product quality improved and the community obtained a permit for sustainable harvesting and selling non-timber products from forest plots including palm leaves, in 2008.
In 2010, an additional producer group for coffee was established. This groups developed rules and regulations to establish collaboration among its members similar to those developed by the palm producer group. Through this collaborative effort, the group obtained organic certification and consequently higher prices. Since 2000, the relative area cultivated with palm and coffee gradually increased (Figure 2.3b). In 2010, five producer groups were present; 1) maize group with 90 members, 2) coffee group to receive coffee subsidy with 83 members, 3) coffee group established in 2010 with 56 members, 4) livestock group with 34 members, and 5) palm group with 55 members.
Communal decision-making
At the beginning of the settlement, no communal decisions were made. With the establishment of the ejido, the associated organizational structures that guide communal decision-making were implemented i.e. two managing committees and monthly meetings.
However, these structures were ill-developed and land-use decision-making resided almost entirely at the household level. For example, the extraction of palm leaves was not regulated which resulted in the near extinction of palm plants in a large area surrounding the community. Communal decision-making was substantially strengthened by a project initiated by the NGO Pronatura-sur A.C. in 2004. Participation in local decision-making improved through increased active participation of households in: 1) monthly ejido meetings- these meetings became obligatory for all ejidatarios and pobladores, 2) management of the ejido and its various committees, and 3) regular planning meetings to prepare the monthly ejido meeting. The latter strongly improved the structure and focus of discussions during the ejido meeting. The community agreed on the establishment and implementation of stronger local rules and regulations. These included the enforcement of penalties for absence during the meetings and the breaking of agreements e.g. illegal logging and fire use.
The improved communal decision-making increased the community’s credibility with non-local actors such as the Reserve authorities. As a result, the Reserve and the community agreed on re-introducing selective fire use to clear fields under strict regulations and enforced penalties, in 2010.
Chapter 2
35 Figure 2.3: Multi-level drivers and land-use change in Tierra y Libertad between 1972-2010 based on 50% (n= 75) sample of all registered household heads (N=151), showing: a) multi-level drivers - b) relative land-use change, c) cumulative percentage of farmers per land-use type, and d) total area and number of households reporting over time. The level of the drivers is indicates between brackets as:
L- Local, N- National, I- International level drivers.
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Social cohesion
From the early 1960s until the early 1980s, there was little social cohesion in the population. Initially the community consisted primarily of men who had arrived mostly without their families. The living conditions were described as extremely harsh. The settlement was isolated without roads, bridges or other infrastructure to connect it to a village or urban center. Reaching an urban center required a 1.5 days walk and involved crossing the local river 28 times. Under these conditions, many people left while also new people arrived. In 1972, the sawmill closed and wage labor was no longer available. As a result, many people left and those who remained were forced to change their life style dramatically, from laborers to self-sufficient smallholder farmers. Most of the families of those who decided to stay arrived. Social cohesion slowly increased among the remaining households. However, the outmigration of households created available ejidatario positions, which in turn resulted people migrating into the ejido. In the early 1980s, all ejidatario positions were occupied and migration rates decreased. During the same period, several church communities were established. These attracted many members and increased trust, faith and tolerance.
The improvement of community life was only briefly disrupted in the mid-1990s, when temporary out-migration increased strongly. In 2010, almost every household reported that one or several household members were or had been temporarily out-migrated to the USA in response to the implementation of land-use restrictions by the MAB Reserve, and the devastating effects of neoliberal agricultural policies. Mainly men emigrated, which disrupted the male-dominated ejido decision-making and management. Most emigrants returned after a few years without the expected economic gains.
Social cohesion in the community was also demonstrated by the organized resistance to the establishment of the Reserve and its limitations on land-use (period 2000-2004). The development of various local (producer) groups and improved ejido management was a sign of improved social cohesion. At the same time, these local organizational structures stimulated social cohesion even further. The unequal land distribution and the large discrepancy between official and local land rights led to discussion on potential re-distribution of land among like-minded community members i.e. landless, farmers with large landholdings.