Análisis de la coeducación en la propuesta

As well as these older Anglo-Indians, I spoke to people in their early forties who could not read or write. What was heartening was that in each case illiterate parents’ children were attending primary or secondary school, and in some cases even tertiary education.29

29 A comment was made at Calcutta’s Anglo-Indian Day panel discussion to the effect that today’s parents were better at parenting than their predecessors had been. An example used to support that claim was that they were actively encouraging their children in their schooling even though they may not have the educational skills themselves.

ANGLO-INDIAN VIEWS ON ANGLO-INDIAN SCHOOLS

Anglo-Indians take a great deal of interest and express concern about their educational system. In this section I will briefly present the views of a couple of them to give a sense of how these people feel that Anglo-Indians are served by the system as a whole. I draw on the work of Lobo and comments made at diasporic reunions. Lobo commented that, “According to British Anglo-Indians who visit India, the unemployment and poverty are linked to the educational system” (1996a:20). She is of the opinion that a number of Anglo-Indians are too poor to attend their own schools (1996a:17-20). She notes that, “The Anglo-Indian education system is the ‘social instrument’ of the community. It is the ‘distributor of life’s chances’ and the schools act the part of a ‘cultural transmission of values’” (1994:145).

Lobo is also of the view that Anglo-Indians will soon lose their own schools and have already lost a lot of control. She puts some of the blame for this on the fact that there is conflict between the different organisations which means that they are not able to make decisions for the benefit of the community as a whole - rather they are each interested in working in a way that promotes the interests of the separate associations. Also, the boards tend to be made up of Bengalis and Indian Christians rather than Anglo-Indians. She also argues that the success of Anglo-Indian schools lies in the control for their management lying with professionals rather than “ambitious politicians” (1994:366).

One of the conclusions of her research is that it is essential that the various groups get together and work out what is best for the community as a whole in order that it will be correct to say that there is an “Anglo-Indian community”. Lobo has a rather pessimistic opinion of Anglo-Indians, believing that they prefer conflict to co- operation (1994:362), and thinks that this characteristic makes it less likely that the required cooperation will eventuate.

A concern that has been raised by Anglo-Indians is that Anglo-Indian schools do not teach Anglo-Indian history. At the symposium at the 2004 Reunion an Anglo-Indian asked a question about teaching Anglo-Indian history in Anglo-Indian schools. The question was brushed aside by a Calcuttan Anglo-Indian (who has more connections to the Anglo-Indian education system than anyone I can think of) with the comment that Anglo-Indians learn about this “on their grandmothers’ knee”. In looking back

through communication from the very first Reunion, in London in 1989, I see this issue was raised there as well. Rather than the idea being dismissed, on that occasion the following conclusion was reached:

That we should teach our children Anglo-Indian history (when one considers the fact that our fathers and fore-fathers were the prime executors of the British administration, law and order and civilian life in India, we have a lot to be proud about). (As reported by Gaynor 1989)

Whenever I broached the topic of the ‘health’ and prognosis of the community, education was advocated as the primary means of strengthening the community. One successful businessman, said, in response to my query:

I believe very strongly that education is going to be the survival of the community and nothing else. If the kids are not educated, they do not go to college. That’s what I tell these boys in Birkmyre.30

So it’s not just about personal survival for these kids, so they can get a decent job…? How is it going to affect on the community? How’s it going to ensure that it gets stronger?

I say, “you have to go through college.” Once they’re through college they will find a job. But you have to have that base to go forward.

You see if they’re educated they can get good jobs. If they come to me as a graduate I can get them jobs. Because they’ve got good personalities, they talk well, so you know…

Further discussion indicated that his rationale was that if the youth of the community can get good jobs then that will build community pride, which will contribute to the strength of the community as a whole. Whether the employment is overseas or not did not seem to be relevant. This is consistent with the way they see each other, as members of a mobile diasporic community. What was important is that they would be part of an imagined community that was an educationally and materially achieving community. So even though, individually, those who do well educationally have often ended up leaving India, the fact that they provide an example of what an Anglo-Indian can do, of what they can achieve, outweighs the fact of their physical removal from Calcutta. They are a source of pride and of reinforcement of how to be, or what it means to be, Anglo-Indian.

30 This central city boys’ hostel (that I have referred to earlier) was set up for Dr Graham’s Homes graduates who wanted to continue their studies in the city. The equivalent for female graduates was set up in 2002 in Marquis Street as St Mary’s hostel. Neither is exclusively for Dr Graham’s school graduates.

Grimshaw says that education has always been of “central importance” to Anglo- Indians (1959:236 cited in Gilbert 1996) even if they were not attaining at a high level. It is this characteristic of themselves, which if not achieved in their own lives, can result in people being particularly harsh on themselves, perhaps seeing themselves as failures: as individuals as well as Anglo-Indians. Peter’s harsh view of himself, as expressed in his reference to himself as “an uneducated man” is an example of this. He is determined that his children will not be able to say this about themselves. Rather they will represent “the best of the best” of what Anglo-Indians can be. It is true that, in saying this, education is being ‘fetishised’. On the other hand I deeply admire and respect the way Peter has committed himself to enhancing the ‘being’ of his children. His life represents in its own way “the best of the best”.

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CHAPTER SIX

COMMUNITY CELEBRATIONS

I have already described and examined some day-to-day practices of Calcuttan Anglo- Indians, which I have identified as contributing to the maintenance of the community as a reasonably distinct sociocultural group. In the case of Christian and educational practices, I do not presume that Anglo-Indians see them in terms of contributing to a sense of belonging to the community in the way I have described. Rather, they are more likely to say that their religious practices are based on a particular set of beliefs relating to their being Christians, and that they do what they do because they belong to the Christian community. And what they do in terms of education is based on their understanding that a good education is an essential requirement for an individual to support themselves as adults. In other words, though “education” as an idea has a particular place in the formation of Anglo-Indian identity, they don’t all necessarily see it as a particular characteristic of their community, or of being Anglo-Indian. In this chapter, however, I discuss events that are deliberately created with the survival of some type of Anglo-Indian entity in mind, indicating that the community is

important to its members, at least to those members who organise and participate in the various events. There has been a ground swell of interest from and about Anglo- Indians, which could perhaps be referred to as a renaissance. This has resulted in the establishment over the last two decades of several socially strengthening and unifying events. The first is a World Reunion, which is held every three years. The second is World Anglo-Indian Day which is celebrated each 2nd August since it began in 2002. As part of the fieldwork for this project I went to Calcutta for the Anglo-Indian day celebrations in 2003 and to Melbourne, Australia, in 2004 for the Reunion. In this chapter I begin by describing those events. I then discuss the ways in which they may act to engender a sense of community by regarding them as rituals, in that they are not

a part of the day-to-day life of the people who enact them, are performed with a particular outcome in mind, and follow a prescribed set of actions. I explore the purpose they set out to serve, and the success of the events in obtaining that result. I also look at the idea of ‘identity’ and discuss the way this concept is played out at these occasions. In addition to this I speculate on the individual motivation for attendance at such celebratory events.

THE EVENTS

ANGLO-INDIAN DAY

On the morning of August 2nd 2003 I asked a couple of Anglo-Indian boys at the hostel I was living in if they were going to the dance at the Rangers Club that night. Neither of them was but they knew about it. I asked if they were going to any other of the Anglo-Indian Day events. One response was “No but…Oh, is that what the dance is for?”. Why was the second of August chosen as Anglo-Indian day they wondered? One speculated that perhaps it was the date of Anglo-Indian independence. “From what?” another asked, then ventured a reply: “India? We’d love independence from India!” This statement is particularly revealing of what an Anglo-Indian may consider paradise: a country of their own which is at once India and not India.

August 2nd 2002 marked the first celebration of World Anglo-Indian Day. The late Gene Leckey, a New Zealand Anglo-Indian, proposed the idea for an annual event in 2001.1

In this first part of the chapter I discuss World Anglo-Indian Day as it is celebrated in Calcutta. I give an overview of the events of the first World Anglo-Indian Day, held in 2002 based on written and oral reports. I then describe the events I observed and participated in that August weekend of 2003.

The date is significant as it was on this date in 1935 that the definition of an “Anglo-Indian” first appeared in the Government of India Act.

Around the world, but particularly in England, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and India, Anglo-Indian groups put together programmes to celebrate the day. Calcutta’s first celebrations were particularly extensive. Planning started in April when a core committee was formed under the leadership of the MLA, Gillian D’Costa-Hart. The

committee consisted of members of CAISS, the AIAIA, Calcutta Rangers Club, and Melvyn Brown of The Anglo-Indian Newspaper.2

Calcutta’s 2002 celebration was held over three days. The following description of the weekend’s events is based on reports in CAISS’s Reach Out (November 2002), a newspaper article written by Barry O’Brien (O’Brien 2002), a report in The Anglo- Indian Newspaper, and personal communication with research participants. On the Friday, 2nd August, at 8am, members of the community gathered at the graveside of Anglo-Indian poet Henry Vivien Derozio. The chief guest was Md. Salim, Minister for Minority Affairs. Speeches were made by him and by the MLA and prayers were led by Lawrence Hartnett, Principle of the Assembly of God Church (AG) School. A song and a hymn were sung by the school choirs of Welland Gouldsmith and the AG school respectively, and then the ‘last post’ was played. Following this was the opening of an exhibition at St. Xavier’s College put together by Melvyn Brown. It included “posters, press cuttings, articles, books, and photographs on Anglo Indian culture, achievements and way of life” (CAISS 2002:19). An ecumenical service and fellowship was held at St Paul’s Cathedral that evening.

It was, I was told, the first time that these groups had worked together.

On Saturday a panel discussion was held on the topic of “Looking back for strength – Looking forward with hope and confidence”. Members of a senior and a junior team gave their views on the topic and the MLA, acted as the moderator. After the panel discussion six people were officially honoured for their roles by being presented with awards for service to the community. The Chief Guest on this occasion was the Speaker of the West Bengal Assembly, Mr Halin. That evening a dance was held in the Calcutta Rangers’ Clubrooms. As well as the expected convivial socialising and dancing, an Anglo-Indian queen, and an Anglo-Indian king were crowned, and a jive competition was held. On the Sunday the Rangers Club “Tent”3

2 Melvyn Brown produces this newspaper monthly. He distributes it to the diasporic community as well as to local Anglo-Indians.

was the venue for about 750 people at the Food Fest and Day Out.

3 The “Tent” is a simple, single-storied, shed-like construction on the Maidan, which the Rangers Club use as a clubroom.

2003:SATURDAY MORNING

I was disappointed not to be able to attend the first Anglo-Indian day programme in Calcutta so was determined to be there for the next. The closer it came to the day the more concerned I became that anything would actually happen. I had heard mixed forecasts about the day: from Gillian D’Costa-Hart, in March: “There will definitely be a programme this year. It will be bigger and better than last year’s” (pers. com.), to, “they’re not having one this year because they’re having the reunion in January” (personal correspondence from an Anglo-Indian research participant in early July who seemed to have confused the two events: the Reunion, and Anglo-Indian Day). Some expressed uncertainty or spoke of being kept out of the “information loop”. A week before I was due to leave New Zealand I finally received confirmation by e-mail that the day was being celebrated. I was told about the programme for the weekend and advised that it would commence at 10am on the Saturday morning with the inauguration and a debate.

The programme changed marginally from what I had been told but at least I knew for sure that my trip, timed to coincide with Anglo-Indian day, would be particularly worthwhile in being able to incorporate participation in the weekend’s events. From the time I arrived in Calcutta, a few days before 2nd August, I asked many of my Anglo-Indian friends and acquaintances if they were attending the various events. Almost nobody I spoke to was going to, or had even heard about, the panel discussion, but it seemed from those I spoke to that the dance and the “Family Day Out” at the Tent were going to be well attended.

On the morning of the 2nd I walked down Park Street to St Xavier’s College auditorium. It was a mild, low thirties, slightly humid day. There seemed to be some confusion over the starting time. A local newspaper had given 10am as the start time, and my contacts on the organising committee said 10:30am. By 9:50am a few people had congregated in the hall, including, I was pleased to find, an old friend from CAISS. Over the next half hour various Anglo-Indian dignitaries and participants in the panel discussion arrived. The audience numbers gradually increased but never to more than one third of the capacity of the hall. This was different from last year I was told, when the hall was full. Apparently there had been more publicity last year, so less confusion over what was on, and where and when it was to be held. This year’s

celebration was very much a CAISS, AIAIA and Rangers Club event. People who belonged to those organisations were likely to have been notified, but many other Anglo-Indians in the city had not heard about the programme for the weekend. The only public notices were to be found in the personal column of the Statesman newspaper on the preceding Thursday and Friday mornings, and there was also a congratulatory notice in the papers from the MLA on the morning of 2nd August.

Several people who had attended the events the previous year told me that they were not attending this year because they had not received an invitation. The issue of invitations (and consequently of rights) to attend what seemed to me to be a public event was puzzling. In the previous year, at the inauguration session, awards had been given for service to the community. This was one of the features that was missing from this year’s event, and its absence was suggested to me as another possible reason for the small turnout at this first occasion of the weekend.4

Barry O’Brien opened the morning’s events.

Another reason I was given for poor attendance was that where there are no “women, dancing and drink”, Anglo- Indians would, “of course”, be poor attendees. I was also told that one of this year’s organisers had been in hospital within the previous month or so, and that another had in recent times lost her husband, so organisation had been left until the last minute.

5

He introduced the guests of honour and leaders of the organising bodies. To inaugurate the day each of these guests lit a wick